Monday, 7 May 2012

Fiscal Austerity and the Far Right


  • I am in my hotel room in London, outside it is raining and news of recent elections in France and Greece and the recent UK local body elections have got me thinking. In 2008 we had the global financial crisis where decades of unfettered behaviour by the financial sector finally played out.

  • The cure for this crisis in confidence has been to push fiscal austerity and to avoid market reform. So far we have seen those the top continuing to get richer, while the middle class and everyone else gets squeezed. Thus we have seen governments fixation with "balancing the budget". Social spending has been decreased, wage growth has slowed and the traditional Keynsian means of redistributing wealth being pegged back. The result of this is a further growth in inequality and the growing perception that governments are not representative of ordinary people. 

  • Even in New Zealand these waves have hit our shores. The bailout of South Canterbury Finance, tax cuts for the rich paid for by borrowing, the rise in GST, employment law reforms, the insidious chipping away at welfare, privatisation and cuts in public sector services and jobs are all signs that in fact our Government is acting out a shadow play paralleling the international chaos.

  • This brings me back to the recent elections in Europe. We have seen recent successes for the left, but also for the far right. In France Marine Le Pens' French National Front is surging and garnered a huge 20 percent of the vote on a platform of xenophobia and patriotism.  Greece now has for the first time a neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn entering it's parliament with 7 percent of the vote. The Greek people have had enough of austerity and it is providing a rich mine for the Far Right.
In 1929, the American Stock Exchange collapsed in our first Global Financial Crisis. This led to the "Great Depression." America called in all it's foreign loans. This crippled Weimar Germany and German unemployment rose to 6 million. Like many governments today (including our own), in July 1930 Chancellor BrĂ¼ning put in place austerity measures and cut government spending, wages and unemployment pay. As workers lost income, spending went down, demand reduced and unemployment and anger and resentment grew. This provided the perfect seed bed for what became Nazi Germany. I hope we don't keep repeating the mistakes of our past.




Sunday, 29 April 2012

Key And Consistency


In an August 2008 press release (http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/PA0808/S00432.htm about the Winston Peters and Owen Glenn saga John Key said, “Unless he can provide a credible explanation about this serious issue, he should be unacceptable to Helen Clark as a Minister in her Labour-led Government. “Mr Peters will be unacceptable as a Minister in a government led by me unless he can provide a credible explanation.” Surely we can now say, “unless John Banks can provide a credible explanation about this serious issue, he should be unacceptable as a Minister in Key’s National-led Government, Mr. Banks will be unacceptable as a Minister in a government unless he can provide a credible explanation?” It is amazing how Mr. Key’s standards have slipped since he has become Prime Minister. 

This really is a rich yet typical example of Key's double standards. Sadly I believe that unless there is a political cost that will undermine Key's agenda, I doubt whether moral consistency is something Key actually cares about. As Rod Oram said back in November 2008: "A friend in the money sector says the popular consensus among the traders and bankers is that John Key has a superb set of antennae but no compass."

For ease of reference I attach Key's press release from the time:

Peters unacceptable in a National-led Government

John Key MP
National Party Leader
27 August 2008
Peters unacceptable in a National-led Government
National Party Leader John Key says Winston Peters would be unacceptable as a Minister in a government led by him unless Mr Peters can provide a credible explanation on the Owen Glenn saga.
“Labour Party donor Owen Glenn’s letter to the Privileges Committee completely contradicts Winston Peters’ version of events about the substantial $100,000 donation made by Mr Glenn to Mr Peters’ legal costs.
“Mr Glenn’s letter represents a direct challenge to Mr Peters’ credibility, from the only other person in the world in a position to know the facts.
“From Parliament’s point of view, the Privileges Committee provides an appropriate vehicle to resolve the points of conflict and to hold individuals to account. But from the Prime Minister’s and the Government’s point of view, that is not enough.
“Governments and Ministers must enjoy the confidence of the Parliament and, ultimately, the public. Faced with today’s revelations, it is no longer acceptable for Mr Peters to offer bluster and insults where simple, courteous, honest answers are required.
“It is no longer acceptable or credible for Helen Clark to assert a facade of confidence in her Foreign Affairs Minister and to fail to ask the plain questions of him that she has a duty to the public to ask.
“Faced with today’s revelations, Helen Clark must stand Mr Peters down as a Minister. That is what I would do if I were Prime Minister. Helen Clark has stood Ministers from Labour down for much less.
“Unless he can provide a credible explanation about this serious issue, he should be unacceptable to Helen Clark as a Minister in her Labour-led Government.
“Mr Peters will be unacceptable as a Minister in a government led by me unless he can provide a credible explanation.”

ENDS

Saturday, 28 April 2012

Changes to Bail and the Presumption of Innocence


The Herald on Sunday editorial today (29 April 2012)  raises some valid points about the horrendous situation that occurs when someone on bail offends violently.  However while Judith Collins wants to make it difficult for people presumed innocent to get bail, the proposals are going to create significant problems of their own. By "violent offence" a definition is used that includes those defendants charged with an offence that attracts a sentence of 2 years or more. Police frequently "over charge" in the District Court, with a view to extracting a guilty plea to lesser charges.

I recently assisted a client in a jury trial, where he was charged with assault with intent to injure and burglary. He was a local builder accused by Police of walking over to a neighbour's house at 2-00 am in the morning after over 5 weeks of the young drunken tenants continuously playing heavy metal music at all hours and assaulting them. He was bailed at first instance and had to wait over a year for his trial. During the trial it emerged that Police and their witnesses never properly identified my client and in fact it was most likely someone else who entered the property and assaulted the neighbours. After a week's trial he was acquitted in just twenty minutes. Under the bail changes he would face a reverse onus in terms of his liberty, and once remanded in custody would have lost his job and would have been unable to support his family. Further the mortgage would have not been able to be paid and a family would have lost its home.  Worse still, if he wished to maintain his innocence and defend the charges at trial, he have to wait over a year for his day in Court. Further once acquitted he will never be compensated for what he has truly lost.

Under such a regime, people such as my client would be placed under tremendous pressure, to plead guilty, to get it over with, even though they may well be innocent.

There are around 9000 inmates currently in our prisons and it costs say $285-00 per day to house them, that means it costs our country $2,565,000-00 per day to house our inmate population. If we start banging away more and more people even though they are presumed innocent it is going to become very expensive indeed. Worse, good decent people who are charged, when faced with the prospect of a lengthy remand in prison and the financial ruin that that involves are going to be placed under tremendous pressure to plead guilty even when they may well be innocent. 

Friday, 13 April 2012

The Role of Victims in Sentencing and Parole


      The recent debate about increasing the "role of victims" in the sentencing processes in our Courts is a good thing, those who suffer as a result of crimes should be heard. However we must be careful not to allow our courts to become platforms where the suffering of victims is relived again and again and again for the sole purpose of allowing someone to express hatred or to have the scab that has begun to heal continually picked open to  satisfy a push by extreme sector groups to establish what to my mind appears to be a purely retributive justice system.

      Victims are not a special class of persons. They like all of us come with different backgrounds and life stories. Most I have genuine sympathy for. Some however can be just as untruthful as a convicted accused. Some just want to forgive and forget and allow time to heal. I have seen cases where a Judge wanting to find out how a victim "really feels" actually through questioning made a victim go from wanting to forgive an accused to breaking down and crying for revenge. 

      Sometimes  I have seen cases where one person who commits an offence will get a wildly different sentence from another person who has committed the same type of offence. The only difference being the views of the victim. Parity in sentencing can be eroded by placing undue weight on the views of victims. Further, just because someone is a victim of offending their ability to speak only the truth with complete objectivity is not guaranteed. To develop policy based upon the views of people  when they are still in the melting pot of raw emotion is   dangerous. Indeed that is the sort of passion that fuels mob justice.

      It is entirely proper that victims can make submissions at all hearings of the trial and parole processes.This reflects an international trend in relation to victim’s participation in sentencing and the parole stages of sentence. Impact is properly taken into account in terms of sentencing.  As Matt Black opined in his May 2003 paper published by the Australian Institute of Criminology; Victim Submissions to Parole Boards: The Agenda for Research:

If victim submissions are likely to have a large impact on parole decisions, disparity may arise between offenders whose victims make submissions and those whose victims do not. The mere presence of a victim submission seems small justification for treating an offender more harshly. It was noted that the parole board studied by Parsonage et al. (1992) subsequently reassessed its guidelines to clarify how victim submissions should be used (Bernat et al. 1994).


      To accept a victim’s statements regarding their belief about sentence integrity as a reason for sentencing in a certain way or for denying parole presents difficulties. There is the clear risk of disparity in sentencing and parole outcome for people  presenting with similar fact patterns:  the same offending characteristics can affect two individuals in completely different ways. The same assault on a confident physically resilient person, for example, may well have a less serious impact both emotionally and physically than it would on someone of the same age etc but with poor health and a nervous disposition. Similarly, two individuals may well have completely different views as to severity of punishment, for example length of time to serve before release on parole, which fits the crime. In both cases, the risk of inconsistency would be increased.

      Black (see above) referring to the use of victim submissions to parole boards in Australia notes that Tasmania has one of the most comprehensive legislative frameworks for the use of victim submissions in the parole process (in Australia):
The Tasmania Parole Board's (2001) view is that "in nearly all cases it would be wrong to refuse parole solely because of the objection of a victim". However, it does see victim submissions as "relevant to the sort of conditions which would be imposed on [a] parole order". For example, the board commonly imposes freedom of movement restrictions in order to ensure the offender does not come into contact with the victim.
   
      As noted from the 2005 Annual Report of the Parole Board of Tasmania:
The Board considers it would be wrong and contrary to the requirements of the Act to refuse parole solely because of the objection of a victim or relative; such objections are relevant in the overall decision making process and are certainly relevant to the sort of conditions which would be imposed on any parole order that might be made. For instance the Board almost always imposes limits on the freedom or movement of parolees in order to eliminate or at least reduce the risk of the prisoner coming into contact with a victim of his criminal behaviour.[1]

      Mr Black, in the paper cited above, referred to the United States study by Parsonage, Bernat and Helfgott (1992) who conducted a pilot study into the effect of victim submissions upon parole decisions. Mr Black reports this highly instructive study as follows:

The authors studied parole data from 1989 in the state of Pennsylvania and divided the 3,559 parole decisions into two groups: cases in which a victim impact statement was present and cases in which one was not. The authors then randomly selected 100 cases from each group. Various data were collated, including offence variables (such as type, seriousness and plea) and offender variables (such as ethnicity, gender, occupation and education).

The study found that parole was refused in 43 per cent of the victim impact statement cases and seven per cent of the non-statement cases. This contrasted with the board's own decision-making guidelines that suggested parole should have been denied to 10 per cent of the victim impact statement cases and seven per cent of the non-statement cases. In summary, the presence of a victim impact statement had a significant impact on the parole outcome across all types of offence, offender and victim. Apparently, the mere presence of a victim impact statement predisposed the board towards denying parole.


      This study reinforces the need for careful attention to the need for consistency, parity, and giving due, but not undue, weight to victim submissions.


[1] Chris Webster, Chairperson Parole Board of Tasmania: Annual Report of the Parole Board for the Year Ended 30th June 2005, Pp4-5.

Wednesday, 14 March 2012

EXTRADITION - WHAT REALLY MATTERS

In light of the Kim Dotcom drama playing out I have been thinking about how our Government and to be fair most other government's in the West have been prepared to surrender their citizens' into the hands of the US justice system for alleged breaches of copyright.


What we are talking about here is the extradition of people from within the borders of sovereign countries to the US because they are accused of diverting money away from US corporate  interests. In other words we are talking about people who are accused of diverting revenue away from private business interests.


While the US will flex its muscles to compel other countries to surrender others when money is at stake it is entirely another matter when other countries seek to extradite a US citizen to face trial in other countries for their wrongs.  The US has a consistent record of inconsistency in this regard. The clearest example the US's one rule for us and another for everyone else can be seen from the fact that not one US citizen has ever been held to account for the deaths of thousands of Indian nationals in the Bhopal Gas Disaster.


In December 1984, a plume of toxic gas from an American-owned Union Carbide pesticide plant wafted over the city of Bhopal, India. The initial leak killed 2,000 people with thousands dying later from the after effects of the toxic gas, an ingredient in pesticides the plant produced.

Officially some 578,000 people were affected. Yet there were no criminal convictions stemming from the leak until June 7, 2010, when eight former executives of the company's Indian subsidiary were convicted of negligence. The men were sentenced two years in prison and fined 100,000 rupees, or $2,100.

Victims groups and activists, who had sought more serious charges, immediately criticized the verdict. The defendants, one of whom is dead, were all senior officials of the company at the time of the leak, India's deadliest industrial disaster.

Indian government officials in June 2010 announced a raft of measures, including increased compensation for victims and a fresh effort to extradite Warren M. Anderson, the octogenarian former chairman of Union Carbide.

The convictions were announced after a bitter quarter-century-long court battle. Initially the defendants were charged with culpable homicide, which carries a maximum sentence of 10 years, but India's Supreme Court reduced the charges.

The company has always claimed that the leak was a result of sabotage, but evidence has pointed to poor safety procedures and maintenance. Advocacy groups have lobbied for years for tougher action against Union Carbide and its chief executive at the time, Warren Anderson. Importantly not one US national has been extradited to be held to account for what happened in Bhopal.

So, you could be extradited to the US if you stand accused of diverting money from corporates based there, but if human life has been lost as a result of the actions of US corporate interests in another country, the US will fight tooth and nail to make sure  that the heads of those corporates are never held to account in the country where the wrong occured.