Tuesday, 2 October 2012

'E-Courts' Triumph of Penny Pinching over Justice?

Thinking of all my friends in the Ministry of Justice who work in the Courts of New Zealand today. They are being called to special meeting today to discuss 'modernising' how they work. Legal aid lawyers have been shafted, now these hardworking people are next. 

Over the past decade we have seen a seismic shift in our communities in regards to our historic rights and freedoms. Since "9/11" the right has used combatting terrorism as an excuse to roll back rights that have been deemed sacrosanct and hard earned for centuries. Now with the recession, 'belt tightening' is the latest excuse used by the right to further erode legal protections. First, accused people have lost in most cases their right to be represented by counsel of choice; then there have been changes to the Bail Act, whereby the right have sought to reverse the presumption of innocence, so an accused person will find it progressively harder to obtain bail, and now with fixed fees most lawyers are finding it increasingly difficult to represent clients on the parsimonious fees available on legal aid.  Sadly we are now losing legal skills and the independent defence bar as practitioners are progressively leaving defence work, or moving to an increasingly private practice, where the wealthy are the only ones who can obtain counsel of choice and detailed representation.

Sadly this trend is now arriving at the door of Justice. The move to 'e-courts' where judges sit remote from the people whose liberty interests are at stake, will see a real risk of the process becoming even more dehumanised as the actors become more detached from each other. We are rapidly becoming controlled by a system that knows the cost of everything but the value of nothing.


Courts overhaul announcement expected

Updated at 7:43 am today
The Government is about to outline plans for a major overhaul of the court system.
Court staff have been called to meetings this morning, following months of talk about modernising the way they work.
Courts Minister Chester Borrows has described the current paper-based system as old-fashioned.
Judges will move next year to a system called e-Bench, allowing them to manage criminal cases electronically.
Mr Borrows also wants people to be able to have their court matters dealt with by video link from home, or their lawyer's office, should they wish.
Labour says the changes are entirely driven by a desire to cut costs, rather than to improve services, and says it expects significant job losses as a result of replacing people with technology.

Wednesday, 26 September 2012

Tougher Parole Regime Announced

Groan! The sight of a calendar has become depressing to me. Everyday it seems our Government is doing something more to take us that step closer to a police state.




Yesterday our Justice Minister announced that she will be making parole eligibility tougher. Inmates will now have to acknowledge guilt to qualify for parole. Her press release said as follows:

"Offenders who refuse to accept their guilt, or make little effort at rehabilitation, will have fewer parole hearings, Justice Minister Judith Collins has announced.
The Government will amend the Parole Act to reduce the number of "unnecessary" parole hearings for offenders with little prospect of release.
The move was part of National's post-election plan.
Collins said the change would reduce the number of parole hearings by about 800 a year.
"For offenders who refuse to acknowledge their offending and have made little or no effort at rehabilitation, it makes no sense to hold parole hearings," she said.
"Future hearings will also be aligned with the completion of core milestones in an inmate's offender plan - agreed activities and goals that aim to reduce likelihood of reoffending."
What's wrong with that? Well for a start the fact of a conviction does not mean that a person is in fact guilty. The legal system is in fact a human system and it does occasionally get it wrong. One only need look at the cases of Arthur Allan Thomas, David Dougherty, David Bain as examples.

The other thing, shouldn't it be someone's right to say, "I am innocent, you might take away my reputation and my freedom, but I tell you I am innocent."The only rational reason to further punish someone for taking that stand by denying them parole is if that denial is in itself linked to risk of further reoffending while on parole.

Section 7 of our Parole Act, gets the balance right:
 7 Guiding principles
(1) When making decisions about, or in any way relating to, the release of an offender, the   paramount consideration for the Board in every case is the safety of the community.


(2) Other principles that must guide the Board's decisions are—
    • (a) that offenders must not be detained any longer than is consistent with the safety of the community, and that they must not be subject to release conditions that are more onerous, or last longer, than is consistent with the safety of the community;

In other words if it is not related to risk, then there should be no problem with maintaining one's innocence. Even our Court of Appeal recognises that denial is not of itself indicative of risk. In R v Peta [2007] NZCA 28  they said:


[65] The next error was that the original health assessor treated Mr Peta's denial of the offending as an indicator of likely recidivism. Research has shown that denial of offending by itself does not operate in this manner. It is true that s 107F(2) of the Act includes the offender's acceptance of responsibility and remorse of past offending as a factor to be considered. Any denial of offending must be considered, however, in the proper context. While denial has not been found to be not predictive in itself, it may still be a matter that could contribute to an individual's risk by causing difficulties with willingness to undergo treatment. Thus, while denial is not a predictive factor, recognition of offending can be a protective one. Further, where combined with evidence of psychopathy and sexual deviance, denial of offending can be an important consideration.

Sadly the Minister of Justice chooses to ignore evidence and principle and instead wishes to use parole as a device to extract admissions of guilt. Former highly respected Australian Judge, Justice Kirby  believes such thinking lacks integrity and is an affront to the dignity and conscience even of a convicted person. In Suresh v The Queen (1998) 72 ALJR 769 Kirby J (at 781) commented:

"Enforced admissions of guilt, as the effective price of liberty, are not normally a feature of criminal justice in Australia.  Whilst an acknowledgment of wrongdoing in the undertaking of such courses may be useful in particular cases, the extraction of admissions by the prospect of early release from custody will often lack integrity and may affront the dignity of the conscience even of a convicted person.  A better means of encouraging participation in the treatment course should, in my view, be considered.  A discretion to accommodate the exercise of legal rights and also cases of conscientious objection … would be highly desirable, if not legally required."

It is recognised that there are a variety of reasons that an offender may maintain his innocence, even after conviction. This was recognised by the English High Court in Secretary of State for Home Department Ex parte Hepworth, Fenton-Palmer and Baldonzy and R v. Parole Board Ex parte Winfield, R v. [1997] EWHC Admin 324 (25th March, 1997), at paragraph 37 citing Ex p. Zulfikar (July 1995, unreported) :
But there may be a variety of reasons why a prisoner will not accept his guilt. He may genuinely have been wrongly convicted. Although inwardly he may know he is guilty, he may be unwilling to accept that he has lied in the past or confront loss of face in accepting what he has hitherto denied. Where, for example, the offence is one of specific intent, he may genuinely have persuaded himself that he did not have the necessary intent. Such a man may in all other respects be a model prisoner. He may have behaved impeccably in prison, occupied his time constructively and shown himself trustworthy and reliable with a settled background to which to return.
 In Batts v Dept of Corrective Services [2002] QSC 206 the Supreme Court of Queensland stated, at paragraph 32:

Recognising the increased difficulty is, however, a long way from saying that because he has denied guilt a prisoner must be regarded as an unacceptable risk if released. To classify a prisoner as an unacceptable risk to the community merely because of a refusal to admit guilt is to apply a policy without regard to the merits of a particular case. I can find nothing in Dr Booysen's report to support a finding of a "high" risk of re-offending other than the fact he has not undertaken the treatment course. The conclusion of limited insight into the offending behaviour is based upon his failure to acknowledge guilt
It appears that Ms Collins is advocating a policy that can be rendered as:  denial = no treatment = high risk = no parole.  This appears to be arbitrary, unprincipled and not based upon research or international thinking. It represents a major departure from s7 of the Parole Act 2002 is a breach of the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990:
          25 Minimum standards of criminal procedure
  • Everyone who is charged with an offence has, in relation to the determination of the charge, the following minimum rights:
    • (d)the right not to be compelled to be a witness or to confess guilt:
And:
            13Freedom of thought, conscience, and religion
  • Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion, and belief, including the right to adopt and to hold opinions without interference.
Lastly:
23 Rights of persons arrested or detained
(5) Everyone deprived of liberty shall be treated with humanity and with respect for the inherent dignity of the person



While we may argue about what s25 means in relation to "determination of the charge" it is deeply troubling that a Minister of the Crown should be advocating using access to parole as a tool to extract a confession.  Further, she appears to be advocating the effective punishment of an inmate for holding to his or her belief that they are innocent.  It will have a dehumanising effect, lacks integrity and is an affront to the dignity of the inmates concerned.

Lastly, isn't it richly ironic that a Government that beats the "lawnorder" drum and wants to be seen as being tough on criminals by toughening up parole eligibility, should rely for its majority to enact this legislation upon a man who police believe has broken the law regarding campaign donations, yet whom they can't prosecute as they are out of time? Surely for this Government to have any integrity they should lead by example first?

Sunday, 23 September 2012

National Standards

So Fairfax has published the results of National Standards. Have they told us anything we did not know - namely that kids from poor areas don't do as well academically as kids from wealthier areas? Nope they haven't. The question is what are we going to do about it? I just hope that Paula Bennett doesn't decide that she will 'incentivise' beneficiaries to 'empower' their kids to do better, by cutting the benefit to the families of kids that under achieve. Nothing surprises me.

Thursday, 23 August 2012

Supreme Court Justice Criticises Legal Aid Changes


No one has picked up on this yet. But a Justice from our highest Court has robustly criticised the Government's legal aid reforms and he suggested “re-examining how legal aid should be delivered.” Justice Tipping retired last week, and in his final sitting he delivered a speech making some major criticisms of the legal aid reforms. Effectively he says that the reforms may be inconsistent with the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990: ( (s24(d) the right to adequate time and facilities to prepare a defence, and s25(h) the right, if convicted of the offence, to appeal according to law to a higher court against the conviction or against the sentence or against both). In other words the reforms directly undermine access to justice and equality before the law. 
“My concern is that the solution those genuine problems received resembled the use of a sledgehammer to crack a nut,” he said.
The scope of legal aid and the rates of remuneration were now at a level that seriously risked compromising the delivery of justice, at least in some fields.
Sir Andrew asked whether the current legal aid system was consistent with the observance of these fundamental rights under section 24(d) and section 25(h) of the Bill of Rights, as well as whether the cuts to legal aid would actually save tax payer money.
“The irony is that the money saved by not granting legal aid is very often overtaken by corresponding, if not greater costs being incurred elsewhere. I refer to the extra work needed by the registry staff and the Judges themselves when an appellant is unrepresented. It is a false economy that we seem to be pursuing,” he said.
He also reflected on the relationship between the Ministry of Justice and the Judiciary and how it should be described as one of “mutual co-operation” rather than partnership. This separation was necessary to maintain separation and balance of powers.
“Judges are appointed to judge and Ministry staff are appointed to administer the Courts and provide the infrastructure necessary to enable the Judges to discharge their judicial responsibilities,” Sir Andrew said.
“The concept of partnership risks a failure to recognise the necessary separation of powers.
“I must say that in my time as a Judge I have noticed an increasing lack of understanding and appreciation of the role of the higher courts as the third branch of government.”

For completeness I have attached the entire speech. The remarks I refer to are made towards the end.


Final Sitting 
The Right Honourable Justice Andrew Tipping 
Friday 17 August 2012 
I thought I would do two things on this occasion. First I will highlight some of the major developments in the content of the law during my 50 years as a law student, practitioner and Judge. Secondly, I will offer some reflections on issues which are important as the legal system and its administration moves forward into the future. 
As regards the substance of the law, there is much that could be said, but I will mention developments in four areas only: tort, contract, equity and statute law. This will necessarily be a brief and highly selective survey. 
Hedley Byrne v Heller was decided in 1963 while I was a law student. I can well remember the stir, almost excitement, that it caused. The decision came 30 years after Donoghue v Stevenson. Among other things it made a breach in the physical harm/economic loss barrier and signalled the further developments 
made by the House of Lords in Anns which did not last in England but have lasted in New Zealand. Whatever you may think of the modern law of negligence in New Zealand, we have at least steered a fairly consistent path over the last 40 years. That path has, in analytical terms, been based largely on Anns case. England itself and Australia have not been so consistent. Canada has steered substantially the same path as us. 
In the field of contract, the greatest development in the past 50 years can be found in the passing of the four key contract statutes which have dealt individually with illegality, mistake, remedies and privity. From those pieces of legislation has emerged a body of caselaw in each field that is based on sound principles and has, by and large, provided a satisfactory blend of predictability and flexibility. In the contractual area there has also developed in my legal lifetime a curiously convoluted and diverse jurisprudence in relation to contract interpretation. Not only the Judges but also academic writers have spent much time and energy on 
a subject that one would have thought, conceptually at least, would have become settled well before now. 
In short and simple terms someone interpreting a contract is looking to identify by objective means the shared subjective intent of the parties. If we could all agree that anything relevant to that inquiry should be regarded as admissible, whether it be pre or post contract, that would help put a rather tiresome issue to bed. 
In the field of equity, a significant development has been the rise of the impact and importance of the concept of fiduciary duty, together with the development of remedies for breach. We now have at least the makings of a reasonably stable body of authority in this field. But, as in so many areas of the law, there is a clamour from some quarters for greater predictability of outcome. Experience suggests, however, that while a measure of predictability is desirable for the application of any legal principle, it is unwise and seldom conducive to the ends of justice to strive too hard for certainty of outcome when framing a principle. The 
more is this so in relation to fiduciary duty when we remember that equity developed as an antidote to the rigidity of the common law. 
All we can hope to achieve in any field is an appropriate balance of two inherently inconsistent bedfellows: predictability and flexibility. When, in the interests of certainty, we prefer a firm clear rule with little flexibility, such as exists in relation to forfeiture of deposits, we must bear with fortitude the howls of protest that come from the tree-hugging members of the legal community. When we prefer a more flexible approach we must endure with similar fortitude the protests that will inevitably come from those who prefer their legal weetbix to have the consistency of concrete. 
And so to my fourth head: statute law. A much higher proportion of civil litigation is now concerned with statutory interpretation. That brings to mind two recent statutes which were very long in gestation but seem to have turned out successfully. The first is the Evidence Act which came into force in 2006. I must 
say I was nervous that the codification of the whole of the law of evidence would be productive of much litigation. There has of course been litigation but overall my anxiety was misplaced. The Act has worked well. 
My second example is the recent Limitation Act. We have not yet had much exposure to this legislation but it too seems destined to be successful and to represent a much needed modernisation and clarification of what for litigators can often be an important area. 
The Courts are now generally dealing with much more complex issues in the process of statutory interpretation than was the case in my earlier days in the law. The rise in complex regulatory control mechanisms over various fields of activity has brought with it concepts not immediately familiar to legal minds. A concomitant has been the rise of expert witnesses and wonderful new concepts such as hot tubbing. I am pleased to say that, at least at the moment, it does not 
seem that the Judge has to get into the hot tub with the experts. This would make one’s eyes water in more ways than one. 
In comparative terms New Zealand jurisprudence has done well in keeping pace with the demands of the modern world. We lead the way in some areas; we follow in others. Our small size encourages us to look elsewhere for ideas and solutions. We can take advantage of the greater experience of other comparable countries while tailoring solutions to fit best with the tenets and aspirations of New Zealand society. 
I move now from the substance of the law to my other topics. I will address them in ascending order of significance. When I was sworn in nearly 26 years ago I forecast that we were on the verge of a technological revolution as far reaching in its impact as the industrial revolution had been two centuries earlier. And so it has proved. The benefits that have come with these developments in technology have been immense. But with those benefits have come issues. Why, for 
example, should it take 15 minutes and the pressing of an ever increasing sequence of buttons before one can speak to another human being, let alone someone who is actually able to assist, without more button pushing. Does this represent increased efficiency? We are now slaves to the vagaries of our computers and other devices. We are captive to their eccentricities. I know the Ministry of Justice is working hard on its computer system. It is not very efficient to have time to make and drink a cup of coffee between switching on and being ready to go in the morning. It is hardly efficient to wait for up to 30 seconds before the reply command is actioned. Think of the number of 30 seconds throughout the Ministry of Justice. Of recent times one of the most frequent correspondents on my judicial email has been someone in the IT Department who writes to say that an aspect of the system has gone down yet again. That is enough of these irritating facets of modern life. 
I have often reflected on the best way for Judges and those who administer the court system to interact. It is sometimes said that the judiciary and the Ministry of 
Justice are partners in a joint endeavour. I do not regard that description as helpful. The relationship should certainly be one of mutual cooperation. But it should not be characterised as one of partnership. Judges are appointed to judge and Ministry staff are appointed to administer the Courts and provide the infrastructure necessary to enable the Judges to discharge their judicial responsibilities. 
The concept of partnership risks a failure to recognise the necessary separation of powers. It encourages administrators to dabble in judging and Judges to dabble in administration. We cannot have those advising the executive dabbling in judging by suggesting how Judges should do their jobs and examining the quality of their output, for example by saying that if there was more predictability in the law there would be less need for people to resort to the Courts and money would thus be saved. If it is desirable to have more predictability in a certain area of law, that is something for Parliament to address. 
I must say that in my time as a Judge I have noticed an increasing lack of understanding and appreciation of the role of the higher courts as the third branch of government. This can be an insidious thing with a series of little steps, seemingly innocent in themselves, leading to a substantial impact on the separation and balance of powers. I have a feeling that in some quarters the judiciary are seen by the executive and its officials as simply another section of the Ministry of Justice to be managed, like the IT section and the human resources section. The Judges and the profession must be vigilant to arrest and reverse this unconstitutional tendency. 
As a further point I doubt we should employ scarce judicial resources as much as we do in settlement conferences and seemingly endless callovers and case management sessions. The Judges have been obliged, with greater or lesser enthusiasm, to adopt this kind of role by default. Ideally, suitably qualified people, who would not need to possess all the attributes necessary for a Judge or an Associate Judge, should be available within the Registries to manage, to 
the extent truly necessary, the flow and progression of litigation. No doubt I will be thought very old fashioned in expressing these views. But I have been concerned throughout the last 25 years that we have not got the balance right. Efficiency is obviously a desirable feature of any judicial system. But we must not allow the need for efficiency, and indeed the need for fiscal restraint, blind us to the fact that a judicial system is ultimately about doing justice. Doing justice under the rule of law is such a fundamental underpinning of our whole society that we should always be prepared to invest enough money and resources in the judicial system to do the job properly. Efficiency and economy are not inimical to that goal. 
That leads me to my final topic: legal aid. There is no doubt that there were some features of the legal aid system in New Zealand that needed the recent attention given to this subject. My concern is that the solution those genuine problems received resembled the use of a sledgehammer to crack a nut. The scope of legal aid and the rates of remuneration are now, according to the 
information I have received, at a level that seriously risks compromising the delivery of justice, at least in some fields. Is the Bill of Rights to be viewed simply as formulaic window-dressing? For example, s 24(d) gives everyone charged with an offence the right to adequate facilities to prepare a defence. By necessary extension that must encompass adequate facilities to prepare a plea in mitigation. 
I question whether our current legal aid system is consistent with the observance of these fundamental rights. In similar vein s 25(h) gives convicted persons the right to appeal against conviction, sentence or both. At least at the level of indictable crime, where the appeal lies to the Court of Appeal, it is difficult to see how that right can effectively be exercised without legal representation. The amount of money spent deciding whether legal aid should be granted would be better spent on legal representation. The irony is that the money saved by not granting legal aid is very often overtaken by corresponding, if not greater costs being incurred elsewhere. I refer to the extra work needed by the registry staff 
and the Judges themselves when an appellant is unrepresented. It is a false economy that we seem to be pursuing. 
If legal aid is granted, counsel’s ethical duties to the Court should in most cases lead to the isolation of such points as can responsibly be argued. This results in a great deal of saving of time and cost in the processing, hearing and determination of appeals. If counsel do not perform their role responsibly, it should not be beyond the scope of the legal aid authorities to take appropriate action. In respect of legal aid and access to justice generally I notice that the Chief Justice of Canada has very recently expressed similar concerns at a meeting of the Canadian Bar Association. It seems to be an issue that is causing difficulties in most modern democracies. I suggest we should lead the way by re-examining how legal aid should be delivered. What we need is a proper recognition of the fundamental rights and values that are at stake. We can do this without sacrificing the need for efficiency and economy. 
And so it is time for me to take my leave. I thank all my judicial colleagues over the years for their friendship and support. I thank my associates Barbara, Margaret and Veronica for their wonderful service and support and for cheerfully putting up with my idiosyncrasies. I thank the profession for their courtesies to me as a Judge and the camaraderie we had as practitioners together. I thank in particular my good friend and colleague Sir Peter Blanchard with whom I have served for nigh on 15 years, first in the Court of Appeal and then in this Court. It has been a wonderfully stimulating and satisfying professional relationship. And above all I thank my family who have been of immeasurable support over the years. I am delighted that my mother and all my three children could all be present today and all my seven grandchildren. Sadly, Jandy was taken from us a couple of years ago. Her love and encouragement was immense over more than 40 years. And more recently Mary Jo has brought a wonderful new light into my life. 
In closing I will borrow the lovely words of John Milton, in his elegy to his drowned friend Edward King, written under the poetic title of Lycidas: 
At last he rose, and twitched his mantle blue 
Tomorrow to fresh woods and pastures new. 

Tuesday, 31 July 2012

John Banks and the Local Electoral Act 2001



Outcome of Police investigation into electoral returns of Hon John Banks

July 26, 2012, 11:59 am
Statement from Assistant Commissioner Malcolm Burgess:
Police investigating allegations that the Hon John Banks knowingly transmitted a false electoral return have decided there is insufficient evidence to consider a prosecution for an offence under section 134(1) of the Local Electoral Act 2001.
This follows complaints about returns filed relating to donations from Sky City Casino, Mr Kim Dotcom and a radio advertising donation to the 2010 Auckland Super City mayoralty campaign of Mr Banks.
The inquiry has established the return was compiled by a campaign volunteer who assured Mr Banks it was accurate before Mr Banks signed and transmitted the return.
In terms of Section 134 (2) of the Local Electoral Act relating to transmitting a false return there is a statutory limit of six months from the time of elections when complaints must be laid. Police first received the complaint for investigation on 27 April 2012, well after the expiry of six month period. Police are therefore unable to consider charges pursuant to Section 134 (2).
END
Issued by:
Grant Ogilvie
Chief Media Adviser, PNHQ
04 474 9476, 027 236 9974


Were Police correct to not prosecute John Banks for an alleged breach of s134(2) of the Local Electoral Act 2001 as it was outside the 6 month time frame for prosecutions under s14 of the Summary Proceedings Act 1957?

At first blush I think Police are correct. As Miller J in observes in McVicar v District Court at Wellington; High Court, Wellington (CIV 2010-465-1834):

Summary Proceedings Act time limit for laying informations does not apply by default
[42] Mr Lithgow emphasised that under the Summary Proceedings Act an information must be laid within six months after the event. I did not understand him to argue, as a matter of construction, that because the Health and Safety in Employment Act does not fix a time limit for a private informant by reference to the event, the Summary Proceedings Act time limit must apply to such informant. He emphasised rather that the policy of the Summary Proceedings Act is that summary proceedings should be commenced within six months.
[43] The Summary Proceedings Act time limit applies to the filing of informations only where the Act creating the offence docs not provide some other period of limitation. In my opinion the Health and Safety in Employment Act does so provide. Section 54B fixes a limitation period by reference to knowledge of the event rather than its happening, so ousting s 14. Section 54C merely creates an exception to that time limit, just as s 540 does. And as noted, s 54C clearly contemplates that an information may be laid outside the period provided in s 54B. Finally, any time limit to be read into s 54C would necessarily relate not to the laying of an information, since that is within the District Court’s discretion where it enjoys jurisdiction, but the making of the application for extension. So s 14 of the Summary Proceedings Act does not supply a default rule for extension applications. This is not to deny that the Health and Safety in Employment Act values diligence in a prosecutor, as I next explain.


The Court appears to accept that s14 does provide a limitation period of 6 months for laying informations. That time runs from the date of the commission of the offence unless there is another time limit allowed elsewhere. The 6 month time limit does not operate from the date of detection unless expressly allowed in legislation, for example s338(4) of the Resource Management Act 1991:
  • 338. Offences against this Act —
  • . . .   
  • (4) Notwithstanding anything in the Summary Proceedings Act 1957, any information in respect of any offence against subsection (1), (1A), or (1B) of this section may be laid by any person at any time within 6 months after the time when the contravention giving rise to the information first became known, or should have become known, to the local authority or consent authority.

So unless the Act creating the offence expressly allows for laying an information beyond 6 months from the date of the commission of the offence, say where the legislation expressly provides you have 6 months from the point of knowledge of the offence for example,  you are out of time for laying an information.

This was the interpretation adopted by Young J in Nelson City Council v Diamond Offshore Netherlands BV - [2010] NZRMA 22 where between 7 December and 23 December 2007 the respondent committed an offence against s 338(1A) of the Resource Management Act 1991 (the Act) by dumping in the coastal marine area waste or other matter from an offshore installation (a drilling rig) without a resource consent in contravention of s 15A(1)(a) of the Act. The alleged offending arose out of a defouling operation to remove mussels and other marine organisms from the subsurface structures of the drilling rig. The District Council would or should have become aware that the defouling took place within the coastal marine area on about 27 February 2008. The information was laid on 6 August 2008, which was within six months of the date upon which the District Council (and the City Council) became aware of or should have become aware of the alleged contravention, but more than six months after the date the alleged contravention actually occurred. Young J upheld the decision of the Nelson District Court that the prosecution for a breach of the RMA was statute barred as it was out of time and s338(4) did not apply.

However, s 138 of the Local Electoral Act 2001 appears to say that where an electoral officer receives notice that an offence has been committed they have a duty to take action:
138
Duty to take action in respect of offences
  • (1)
    If the electoral officer at any election or poll—
    • (a)
      receives a written complaint that an offence under this Part has been committed; or
    • (b)
      believes for any other reason that an offence under this Part may have been committed,—
  • the electoral officer must report that matter to the Police together with the results of any enquiries made by the electoral officer that he or she considers appropriate.

    (2)
    Subsection (1) does not prevent any person from reporting an alleged offence to the Police.

    (3)
    Despite subsection (1), an electoral officer is not required to report the failure by a candidate at an election to file the return required by section 109(1) within the period prescribed in section 109, if the candidate files that return promptly after being required by the electoral officer to file the return.

So upon notice or for any other reason if an electoral officer believes an offence has been committed they must report the matter to Police together with their enquiries. That suggests that the officer has a duty to make enquiries to see if an offence has been committed. This does not appear to be statute barred. However, whether Police can lay an information in relation to the offence is a different question. Also one would assume that Police made their own enquiries.  In any event in terms of statutory construction and precedent as there is no express time extension section for bringing a prosecution outside of 6 months under the Local Electoral Act 2001, I think the ability to prosecute is time limited in the manner asserted by Police. That however does not mean that no offence was committed.

Sunday, 22 July 2012

A SHOCKING DOUBLE STANDARD

The Dominion Post page 2, 23 July 2012 carried an interesting story:


"Justice Minister Judith Collins brought her favourite accessory – the Taser – to the National Party conference yesterday morning and threatened to turn it on Labour nemesis Trevor Mallard. The two are at present locked in a bitter defamation battle, and Ms Collins received applause when she produced the weapon with a flourish asking: ‘‘Now, where’s Mr Mallard?’’ The Hutt South MP was actually very close – checked into a room at Sky City, where the gathering was taking place. On learning of her quip, he tweeted: ‘‘room 121 but a bit early for that’’. On learning of his presence, Auckland Central MP Nikki Kaye took to social media to declare: ‘‘even Labour MPs want to attend Nat party conference’’."




This begs the question as to how former Police Minister Judith Collins managed to gain access to a TASER 50,000 volt stun gun and was able to wave it around at the National Party Conference as some kind of stunt? Did she import one illegally, or did Police give her one? If Police made the TASER available to Ms Collins they should be held accountable. Under Police protocol when Police take a TASER out of the armoury they must sign it out of the register then sign it back in upon its return. Further before an officer can use a TASER they must complete a supervised course. 

Section 202A of the Crimes Act 1961 reads:
202APossession of offensive weapons or disabling substances
  • (1)In subsection (4)(a) offensive weapon means any article made or altered for use for causing bodily injury, or intended by the person having it with him for such use.
    (2)In subsection (4)(b) offensive weapon means any article capable of being used for causing bodily injury.
    (3)In this section disabling substance means any anaesthetising or other substance produced for use for disabling persons, or intended by any person having it with him for such use.
    (4)Every one is liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 3 years—
    • (a)who, without lawful authority or reasonable excuse, has with him in any public place any knife or offensive weapon or disabling substance; or
    • (b)who has in his possession in any place any offensive weapon or disabling substance in circumstances that prima facie show an intention to use it to commit an offence involving bodily injury or the threat or fear of violence.
    (5)It is a defence to a charge under subsection (4)(b) if the person charged proves that he did not intend to use the offensive weapon or disabling substance to commit an offence involving bodily injury or the threat or fear of violence.


In terms of s202A(4)(a) what was her lawful authority to possess a restricted weapon? Further, what was her reasonable excuse? Surely it can't be a reasonable excuse for the Minister to have access to a restricted weapon with the permission of Police because she wants to show it off to her mates?


Also, a TASER is a hand-held device that fires an electrically charged harpoon like projectile that conveys a 50,000 volt charge that can incapacitate the subject. This projectile is fired from the TASER by way of a cartridge of compressed nitrogen.  Under s2 of the Arms Act 1983 a TASER can be classed as an airgun: 


2  Interpretation

  • In this Act, unless the context otherwise requires,—
    airgun includes—
    • (a)any air rifle; and
    • (b)any air pistol; and
    • (c)any weapon from which, by the use of gas or compressed air (and not by force of explosive), any shot, bullet, missile, or other projectile can be discharged



According to Police jargon a TASER is an "Electro-Muscular Incapacitation device and has been classified as a restricted weapon. According to the NZ Police website the TASER was classified during its trials in New Zealand as a restricted weapon (see http://www.police.govt.nz/resources/2006/taser-trial/detail.html)



Legal implications

Possession

The taser is by legal definition a restricted weapon as specified under paragraph 8 of the Arms (Restricted Weapons and Specially Dangerous Airguns) Order 1983. Sworn members of the Police have statutory authority to be in possession of and carry restricted weapons in the course of their duty by virtue of Section 3, Arms Act.

Legal Implications - use of force

The use of an EMI device is a use of force and as such, its use must be reasonable, proportionate, and necessary in the circumstances. The relevant sections of the Crimes Act, 1961 relating to Police use of force are:
  • Section 31 (Arrest by constable pursuant to statutory powers),
  • Section 32 (Arrest by a constable of a person believed to have committed an offence),
  • Section 39 (Force used in executing process or arrest),
  • Section 40 (Preventing escape or rescue),
  • Section 41 (Prevention of suicide in certain cases),
  • Section 48 (Self defence and defence of another),
  • Section 62 (Excess of force).

If Ms Collins is not licensed to use the TASER a case can be made that Police supplied this restricted weapon to an unlicensed person. This is an imprisonable offence.

    • 43 Selling or supplying firearm or airgun to unlicensed person
      • (1)Every person commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 3 months or to a fine not exceeding $1,000 or to both who—
        • (a)sells or supplies a firearm (other than a pistol, military style semi-automatic firearm, or restricted weapon) to any person who is not the holder of a firearms licence or a dealer's licence or a permit issued for the purposes of section 16(1); or
        • (b)sells or supplies an airgun to any natural person who is under the age of 18 years and is not the holder of a firearms licence.



If you or I supplied a TASER to a member of the public I have no doubt that Police would strive to visit the full force of the law upon us for supplying the weapon in the first place. Further if a member of the public had a stun device in similar circumstances they would be charged with possession of an offensive weapon, if we had real equality before the law so should the Minister.


"NEW DRUG DOG DETECTS DOPE"


PHIL DOYLE/Fairfax NZ
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