Sunday, 14 April 2013

Court Staff Replaced By A Computer System That Doesn't Exist


One of the supposed reasons for the closure of many community courthouse was the advent of the eBench computer system coming on line in July this year, has been shown to be the lie it is, with Radio New Zealand's announcement (15 April) that the hoped for date of cross over to the new system will be delayed until at least July 2014 because writing the computer programmes is "more complex than anticipated." So it is now apparent that hundreds of trained and experienced court staff have been sacked nationwide and communities have lost their courthouses because of a Minister's desire to have them replaced by a computer system yet to be built and computer programmes that are not even written. Teachers have seen the carnage created by ditching in haste a system that actually works for a "cheaper more efficient system" with Novopay, now the same level of incompetence and haste have been visited on urban and rural centres who have had courthouses close and on staff now sacked after decades of loyal service by a Minister who does not care. 


Updated at 8:43 am today
Plans to make law courts paperless have been delayed by up to a year.
Courts Minister Chester Borrows had hoped to have the change take effect in July, but getting the technology in place has proved a bigger job than first thought.
The eBench computer system will allow judges to manage criminal cases electronically and process charges up to 70% faster.
Mr Borrows said police will begin filing their paperwork electronically to courts from July, as planned, but it could be July next year before the system is fully functioning.
He says that was because building computer programmes to handle the changeover is more complex than anticipated.

Tuesday, 2 April 2013

Kids With Fake IDs Commit Fraud But Officers With False Badge Numbers OK?

On 10 March 2013 I was disturbed to see on a Fairfax site a story that police officers when arresting people during a protest wore false badge numbers:

"Police officers who deliberately faked their uniform badge numbers to avoid being identified as they weighed into a violent public protest will keep their jobs and won't be investigated by the force's watchdog.
Two of the officers were found guilty of breaching their own code of conduct and a third was said to have a "performance issue" after they were caught using matching identification badges at an Occupy Auckland eviction in January 2012.
Despite the pre-meditation involved, the Independent Police Conduct Authority decided the three officers' behaviour was not serious enough to warrant its attention, saying investigators were too busy dealing with cases involving death and bodily harm."
Police officers as a matter of law are required to wear their identifying numbers,. These numbers enable people who wish to complain about individual officers breaching the law, using excessive force etc. In other words these numbers serve as a tool to protect citizens and to enable investigating bodies to undertake meaningful investigations into the actions of individual officers."
If an officer beats a citizen while wearing a false id they could never be held accountable, as they can't be identified. In other words a meaningful check on the exercise of an officer's coercive power would be removed. The ability for the State to monitor the actions of those who enforce its law would be blocked or frustrated.
This is actually very serious. The Crimes Act 1961 gives but one example of an offence that these officers could have committed by wearing false badges:
116Conspiring to defeat justice
  • Every one is liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 7 years who conspires to obstruct, prevent, pervert, or defeat the course of justice in New Zealand or the course of justice in an overseas jurisdiction.

I thought of this when reading an article from the Hutt News today:

False IDs have cost for young

Hutt cops confiscating four fakes per week


A Lower Hutt policeman frustrated at increasing numbers of young people using false identification says many don't realise they could end up with a criminal record.
Hutt Valley Sergeant Shane Benge says as many as four false ID cards are handed to him a week from Hutt Valley bars. He says that's just the tip of the iceberg.
Bar staff often don't hold on to false IDs, while many Hutt Valley teens head to Wellington for a night on the town.
However the numbers of people presenting false ID at Hutt Valley bars seems to be growing this summer, he says.
Mr Benge says he is not sure whether this is because of better door checks at bars or more young people trying it on.
In most cases, those using false ID at bars are 17 year olds whose friends are legally able to drink, and they don't want to miss out.
"It's actually quite a serious fraud offence - it's using a document dishonestly.

This whole story reeks of a double standard. So in other words, it is fraud for a young person to use a false id to get into a pub, but when police officers arguably commit fraud and or breach the Crimes Act by using false IDs, it is something that the IPCA thinks is not serious, and will result in no prosecutions. Integral to any notion of the Rule of Law is surely the notion of equality of all before the law - "Be you never so high, the law is above you," should be as true today as when Dr Thomas Fuller wrote it in 1733.

International watchdog Transparency International recently released a study showing that New Zealand views itself as one of the least corrupt countries in the world. Perhaps that is so if you never have any mechanisms to ensure transparency, or the watchdogs that are meant to watch out for corruption fail to exercise their role with sufficient rigour.  

Monday, 25 March 2013

And Now After Susan Devoy As Race Relations Commissioner...........

News Flash: Judith Collins has just announced that the Government has appointed respected sports administrator, business leader and former All Black Andy Haden as EEO Commissioner. "He is human and will bring much needed business experience and mana to the role", she says. "His appointment reflects our pattern of making bold and innovative moves and demonstrates how seriously we take our commitment to the work of the Human Rights Commission", she says.

Friday, 15 March 2013

PITCAIRN MUTINY STRIKES NEW ZEALAND COURT

PITCAIRN MUTINY STRIKES NEW ZEALAND COURT

14 March 2013
In the artificial sovereignty of Pitcairn Islands known this week as Courtroom 1 of the Auckland High Court, a constitutional challenge against 3 retired New Zealand judges sitting on a Pitcairn Court of Appeal appeal has resulted in the full bench walking the plank.

Three days of legal argument culminated in Justices Bruce Robertson, Andrew McGechan and Judy Potter conceding they lacked jurisdiction to preside as they had not been properly appointed or sworn an oath in accordance with the 2010 Pitcairn Constitution.

Argument will continue in June as to whether the first set of unconstitutional bench appointments of the three judges and another are lawful. The British recently passed retrospective legislation in an attempt to legitimise the judicial appointments, an action being challenged as lacking legal power or effect.

In a concession by appellant Pitcairn Mayor Michael Warren which does not require the 3 foreign judges swear their oaths or conduct court business on Pitcairn soil, Pitcairn Chief Justice (and Manukau District Court Judge) Charles Blackie will preside over the three swearing their judicial oaths today in Courtroom 1, Auckland, in a sitting of the Pitcairn Supreme Court.

The first matter of business will be how the newly sworn judges will deal with the problem of their having presided over days of proceedings and numerous procedural rulings. Senior Counsel for the appellant Tony Ellis (pictured) is expected to motion the court accept the record from the improperly constituted court proceedings as newly made.

Pitcairn, a British colony of 54 inhabitants in the central south Pacific, is ostensibly a constitutional democracy. It is perhaps the only democracy whose government is 100% controlled by foreigners. The bicameral legislature is comprised of the British High Commissioner to New Zealand and the British Foreign Secretary, neither of whom are elected by or accountable to the citizens. The judiciary are New Zealand judges whose Pitcairn appointments are more obscure than the typical New Zealand appointment. Competency never being a hallmark of either, it was still a bit sad to see Mr Ellis giving a lecture to the bench on the Pitcairn Constitution, in circumstances where it appeared none of the judges had read it until very recently.

At the heart of the current appeal in Courtroom 1 is a criminal charge against the Pitcairn Mayor for internet access of child pornography. But this criminal proceeding has been vastly overshadowed by constitutional arguments which are expected to go to the Privy Council in England. Central among them is how a democratic Constitution can be founded upon two one-person legislatures, neither one of whom is elected by the people of Pitcairn.
It is a fight which New Zealand’s premier human rights lawyer is relishing. “How often do you get to argue a violation to the United Nations Charter?” says Mr Ellis.

Source: www.kiwisfirst.com

Should Inmates Have to Confess to Obtain Parole?


I don’t know why, perhaps it is something to do with age, but for some reason I am continually disappointed by what I see as a declining standard of proper investigative journalism in newspapers.

The Sydney Morning Herald recently ran a piece entitled, “Corby May Have to Come Clean to Get Parole” (Stuff 15/03/13).

The thrust of the story is that “Schapelle Corby may need to admit for the first time ever that she is a drug smuggler, and then show remorse for her crime, before she can be granted parole under tough new laws passed in Indonesia.” What the entire column fails to examine or even comment upon, is whether the fact of confession under such circumstances – that is that to obtain release from a hellish prison environment, you must confess your guilt, in fact makes the confession reliable as a statement of what actually occurred.
 
Whilst all applicants for Parole have the right to maintain their innocence, the price they are forced to pay is often too high. As a result of the desire to be released many compromise themselves and enter into what Naughton (2005) refers to as the ‘Parole Deal’:[1]

This emphasises the problem that is commonly referred to as the ‘parole deal’, which is very much    akin to a ‘plea bargain’ for it attempts to make innocent prisoners acknowledge guilt for crimes that they did not, in fact commit. For Peter Hill (2001), significantly, both offer the same essential ‘deal’ in an attempt to obtain judicial finality in cases: ‘We say you are guilty. Admit it and you get something in return’. The rationale behind the ‘parole deal’ is connected to a range of ‘cognitive skills’, ‘thinking skills’ … and various other ‘offending behaviour’ programmes and courses that have come to dominate regimes in England and Wales over the last decade. These courses are almost universally based on the work of psychologists in the Correctional service of Canada and work from the premise that as offenders think differently to law abiding citizens, once their ‘cognitive distortions’ are corrected they can be released with a reduced risk of re-offending (Wilson 2001). The effect is that whilst the Prison Services officially acknowledges that it is unlawful to refuse to recommend release solely on the ground that a prisoner continues to deny guilt, it tends to work under the simultaneous assumption that denial of offending is a good indicator of a prisoners continuing risk.
[Bold Added]

This issue was also addressed in Varney v Parole Board of Western Australia [2000] WASCA 393 (15 December 2000) dealing with an inmate who denied his offending and as such was deemed not suitable for a SOTP (sex offenders) course. In the course of the decision the following observations were made:

76. In my opinion, by stating that "prisoner needs to address offending behaviour (SOTP) before Board will review again", the Board was saying that it would not again review its decision relating to the applicant's entitlement to parole until he participates in an SOTP. 

77. As participation in a SOTP is dependent on admission of guilt, it follows that the Board, in effect, decided not to review its decision until the applicant admitted his guilt. That is to say, by its decision of 29 June 2000, the Board decided that the applicant would never be entitled to be released on parole until he admitted his guilt. 

78. In Suresh v The Queen (1998) 72 ALJR 769 Kirby J (at 781) commented:
"Enforced admissions of guilt, as the effective price of liberty, are not normally a feature of criminal justice in Australia.  Whilst an acknowledgment of wrongdoing in the undertaking of such courses may be useful in particular cases, the extraction of admissions by the prospect of early release from custody will often lack integrity and may affront the dignity of the conscience even of a convicted person.  A better means of encouraging participation in the treatment course should, in my view, be considered.  A discretion to accommodate the exercise of legal rights and also cases of conscientious objection … would be highly desirable, if not legally required."

79. Apart from the compelling force of these sentiments, the Board has erroneously regarded the denial of guilt and the non-participation in the SOTP as being conclusive of the question whether parole should be granted.  I have pointed out, however, that - while these are relevant matters - there are other factors to which the Board is duty bound to have regard.  In the case of the applicant, it is obvious that, in the passage of time, age and illness on their own may reduce the risk of offending to a bare minimum. 

80. As a matter of law, the discretion vested in the Board must be exercised by reference to all relevant material. By deciding not to review its decision until the applicant admits guilt and participates in an SOTP, the Board has invalidly fettered its discretion.  In my view, the Board erred in this respect.

81. In the circumstances, I consider that the applicant is entitled to have the order nisi for a writ of certiorari relating to the Board's decision of 25 June 2000 made absolute to the extent that it relates to the Board's decision not to review its refusal of parole until the applicant addresses his offending behaviour by participating in an SOTP.  I do not think that it is necessary for a writ of mandamus to issue in respect of this decision, as once the decision is quashed and the Board receives a new application by the applicant, it will be required to decide the question afresh.
[Bold Added]

It is recognised that there are a variety of reasons that an offender may maintain his innocence, even after conviction. This was recognised by the English High Court in Secretary of State for Home Department Ex parte Hepworth, Fenton-Palmer and Baldonzy and R v. Parole Board Ex parte Winfield, R v. [1997] EWHC Admin 324 (25th March, 1997), at paragraph 37 citing Ex p. Zulfikar (July 1995, unreported) :

But there may be a variety of reasons why a prisoner will not accept his guilt. He may genuinely have been wrongly convicted. Although inwardly he may know he is guilty, he may be unwilling to accept that he has lied in the past or confront loss of face in accepting what he has hitherto denied. Where, for example, the offence is one of specific intent, he may genuinely have persuaded himself that he did not have the necessary intent. Such a man may in all other respects be a model prisoner. He may have behaved impeccably in prison, occupied his time constructively and shown himself trustworthy and reliable with a settled background to which to return.

Inmates must have the right to maintain their innocence in respect of the offences they have been convicted of. It is wrong in law and in principle for the Parole Board to refuse to grant release on parole on the basis that an inmate denies guilt.

In New Zealand for a number of offenders one of the ways they can increase the chances of release is be “confessing guilt”, suddenly because they have confessed, the Department’s psychologists can begin treating them. Often with sex offenders (to take one category of inmate as an example), they will remain without any rehabilitative input from the Department until they confess. This creates  a regime that can be expressed thus: to the Department of Corrections (denial = no treatment) and the Parole Board (no treatment = increased risk = no parole). This serves to place undue weight on the denial of guilt. This approach is wrong in law and in principle as it effectively results in denial = high risk = no parole.

While a denial of guilt and failure to show remorse are factors to be taken into account when assessing risk, the policy must have some sound scientific evidence from which it is based.
Otherwise the policy of denial = no treatment = high risk = no parole becomes an arbitrary and unprincipled fetter of the Parole Board’s discretion and the continued detention of the Applicant will be arbitrary and in breach of his or her rights under the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 (if applied here) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

Now in relation to the Corby case, I don't have all the evidence. But she was either set up or was very stupid. As a matter of principle though I do not believe that release on parole should ever be linked to the inmate agreeing the state "got it right." Say in the David Dougherty abduction and rape case, if the DNA exonerating him was discovered after he had to agree that he was guilty to obtain parole. This would see the state saying there is no need to quash his conviction as he has confessed. This would mean the actual perpetrator would remain untroubled by a state that sits back smug in the false comfort of a compelled confession.




[1] Michael Naughton. Why the Failure of the Prison Service and the Parole Board to Acknowledge Wrongful Imprisonment is Untenable. The Howard Journal v.44 No.1 1 February 2005. pp.4.

Wednesday, 13 February 2013

Supplementary Order Paper - Blocks Access to Justice


It is lamentable but perhaps understandable that  when New Zealand is facing mass migration to Australia, growing inequality and some 270,000 children living in poverty that the Minister of Corrections should be involving herself in a smokescreen  of being seen to be hard on prison inmates over smoking, when there are demonstrably more pressing issues that need the Government's urgent attention.

The newly minted Supplementary Order Paper (12 February 2013, Corrections Amendment Bill) presented to the House of Representatives by Minister Tolley which will have the effect of blocking recourse to Courts in relation to the smoking ban in prisons is  offensive to human rights norms and amounts to bullying by a Government obviously embarrassed by its recent loss in the High Court.

Under international law as reflected in our Corrections Act, prison sentences must not be administered more restrictively than is reasonably necessary to ensure the maintenance of the law and the safety of the public, prison staff and the inmates. The Court correctly found that the Government's blanket ban on smoking did not meet the aims of the Corrections Act, which is to ensure that prison sentences are administered in a safe, secure, humane and effective manner. Neither was it shown that the ban was reasonably necessary to ensure the maintenance of the law or the safety of the public, corrections staff of other prisoners. 

It is ironic that many inmates are serving sentences because they "took the law into their own hands", rather than turning to the Courts to seek relief. Now when inmates do just that and legitimately challenge the Government on its breaches of their fundamental rights, the Government shows a high handed disregard for its obligations and has no hesitation in blocking access to justice.

"“Status of certain rules and regulations relating to
smoking in prisons
179AA Status of certain rules and regulations relating to
smoking in prisons
“(1) On and from 12 February 2013, the following rules and regulations
must be treated as if they were made after Part 3 of
the Corrections Amendment Act 2011 came into force:
“(a) any rule made before 12 February 2013 by a prison
manager under section 33 that forbids prisoners to
smoke tobacco or any other substance, or forbids prisoners
to possess tobacco or any tobacco-related item;
and
“(b) regulations 4 and 6 of the Corrections Amendment
Regulations 2012.
“(2) On and from 12 February 2013, no proceedings may be
brought against the Crown questioning the validity of any
rules or regulations referred to in subsection (1).
“(3) Nothing in this section affects proceedings commenced before
12 February 2013 to the extent that any relief sought or
granted in those proceedings relates only to the period before
12 February 2013.”

Wednesday, 12 December 2012

MORE DOUBLE SPEAK FROM BORROWS AND THE MINISTRY



It will come as a surprise to no one that after "consultation" the Ministry of Justice has decided to permanently close the Upper Hutt District Court. The reason for this is a supposed earthquake risk and now the latest argument - a falling crime rate. yesterday (12/12/12)  Courts Minister Borrows  issued a press release justifying shutting some Courthouses and making a large number of staff redundant on the basis of a falling crime rate, which is largely due to a directive to Police to issue pre-charge warnings, “Crime is at a thirty-year low and the number of criminal summary cases has dropped 25 per cent since 2008/09. The Government is taking the opportunity this provides to improve the administration of New Zealand’s District Courts to bring them in to line with public expectations of convenient and accessible services,” says Mr Borrows." So in other words offending still occurs, but it has just been redefined.


In reality "consultation" is a joke. Rather what this Government does, is it makes a decision, delays announcing the decision, but invites input from effected parties, ignores the input then does what they wanted to do anyway.


It is interesting to me that the cost to repair my local courthouse (Upper Hutt) was originally stated as being $250,000, Minister Borrows at a recent meeting then said that figure was "peer reviewed" and the new figure was $750,000. I note  no competitive tender has ever been sought on the cost of repair and no engineer report confirming the size of the earthquake risk or what is required for rectification work has ever been released.


The closure of any local court is a backward step for a community. People go to a court to get documents witnessed, affidavits sworn and to file proceedings. A woman seeking a protection order from an abusive partner will often go there to seek help. Ordinary people wanting to get a tenancy dispute sorted or to seek a hearing in the Disputes Tribunal will go to their local court.


This is part of what we call, "access to justice." People feel they can access justice, because they can go to the court in their local community and seek help.

More than that it is a sign of community life, and the vitality of a town or city. The salaries of staff and lawyers are spent in the community and the coffee shops cafes, stationary stores and a multitude of other businesses. These decisions to close our local courts are being made by faceless functionaries at the behest of a Minister and Government who have no regard for local communities.


Local court staff know local people. They deal with people face to face and over the years they acquire substantial local knowledge which assists with the smooth functioning of their courts. Sadly with redundancies all this local knowledge is going to be lost.


Jonathan Temm, president of the Law Society recognises this. In a statement he released yesterday he said:

"Court staff in rural communities particularly are often seen as neutral officials, with considerable standing in the community. Closures, re-designations and restructuring would mean many people with considerable experience were lost from smaller centres. The courthouse itself is an very visible symbol of our justice system and its presence ensures that communities see justice being done. It shows that justice is there for everyone and is accessible to everyone.”


“Many of the regions which are most affected by the changes have thinly-spread and widely dispersed populations. Getting to and from court and the court registry will become far more difficult and costly. Justice will become less accessible.” 

“People in places like Dargaville, Balclutha, Upper Hutt and Te Awamutu have shown their dismay at what will happen when their courthouse services are downgraded. The Law Society believes there has been inadequate consultation and a failure to look beyond the financial savings to the more important issue of maintaining access to justice."

Upper Hutt has a population of around 40,000. Our local representative is Labour MP Chris Hipkins. I note that  the Waipukurau District Court has been granted a reprieve, this is understandable after all it is in a National electorate and Waipukurau has a huge population of 4005.

When the Ministry first announced the concerns over earthquake strengthening they sent out an email, which contained typical Government doublespeak. I attach it below:


On Thu, Apr 26, 2012 at 12:47 PM, Wayne Guppy wrote:
Thanks Michael I am following this up with the Minister
Wayne

From: Michael Bott
Sent: Wednesday, 25 April 2012 9:12
To: Wayne Guppy
Subject: Fwd: Upper Court to Close?

Hi Wayne,

I thought I would copy this to you for your information.

Kind regards

Michael Bott


I have just received this update regarding the Upper Hutt courthouse. It appears that reopening this Court is low on the Minister's and his Minsitry's priorities. Further the final sentence (below) appears to be somewhat evasive as to whether Upper Hutt will retain its Court. Some people from within the Ministry that I have spoken to indicate that unofficially the Ministry have wanted to close Upper Hutt Court for sometime and the earthquake risk provides a convenient excuse. You might like to follow this up.

Regards

Michael Bott



"Upper Hutt Courthouse
Background
Immediately following the announcement of the temporary closure of the Upper Hutt Courthouse, all Upper Hutt hearings were transferred to Lower Hutt District Court. Upper Hutt court staff were relocated to office space at the Lower Hutt District Court.
Current State
Current operational arrangements will continue for the medium to long term while planning, prioritising and implementation of the Ministry's courthouse remedial work plan is completed.
The Minister met with a group of 23 local lawyers on 28 March 2012 to hear their views and discuss the impacts of the Upper Hutt Courthouse closure. The Minister has subsequently written to the group's representative regarding their concerns, including clarifying sitting days and times for both courts.
Floor plan options provided by architects, which look at ways to better utilise the office space at the Lower Hutt Courthouse for both the Lower Hutt and Upper Hutt teams, have now been finalised and the work approved for commencement. The Ministry expects this work to be completed by the end of May 2012.
The work involved in relocating court services and undertaking remedial work is a significant and complex work programme which presents the Ministry with a number of logistical and resource challenges. Due to finite resources the Ministry has been focusing on Dunedin, Masterton and Christchurch courthouses as a priority because of these courts' high volumes of work and the extent of remediation work involved. The Ministry is still considering its approach and remediation options for the other courthouses. Therefore the Ministry's approach for Upper Hutt will not be determined until at least the end of the year.
Regards,
Oliver
Oliver Searle
Private Secretary (Advisory) to Hon Chester Borrows

Minister for Courts, Associate Minister of Justice, Associate Minister for Social Development, MP for Whanganui"