Saturday, 1 December 2012

Andrew Lyall Pointon v New Zealand Police






  
 IN THE HIGH COURT OF NEW ZEALAND
TAURANGA REGISTRY
CRI 2012-470-24
[2012] NZHC 3208





BETWEEN               ANDREW LYALL POINTON
                                  Appellant

AND

                                  NEW ZEALAND POLICE
                                  Respondent



Hearing:                    3 October 2012




Counsel:                   M Bott for Appellant

                                 N G Belton for Respondent


                                 Judgment: 30 November 2012



                                     JUGMENT OF HEATH J

This judgment was delivered by me on 30 November 2012 at 2.00pm pursuant to Rule 11.5 of the High Court Rules




Registrar/Deputy Registrar










Contents
Introduction [1]
The District Court judgments [3]
Competing submissions [11]
“Offensive behaviour”: legal principles
(a) Introductory comments [15]
(b) From whose perspective is the behaviour judged? [18]
(c) What is “offensive” behaviour? [23]
(d) The tests to be applied [32]
Analysis
(a) Freedom of expression [33]
(b) Was Mr Pointon’s behaviour “offensive”? [38]
Result [54]

Introduction
[1] Mr Pointon is a naturist. Around 8.30am on 23 August 2011, he went for a run along tracks in a wooded area within the Oropi Bike Park, about 20 kilometres from Tauranga. Apart from running shoes, he was naked. As he was running he encountered the female complainant, walking her dog. She made a complaint to the Police. As a result, Mr Pointon was charged with “offensive behaviour”, contrary to s 4(1)(a) of the Summary Offences Act 1981 (the Act).
[2] In a reserved decision delivered in the District Court at Tauranga on 6 December 2011, a Community Magistrate found Mr Pointon guilty and entered a conviction.1 Mr Pointon appealed against his conviction to a District Court Judge.2 On 11 June 2012, his appeal was dismissed.3 On 7 September 2012, the Judge granted leave to appeal out of time on a question of law.4 However, he did not identify the question (or questions) of law on which he thought a second appeal was justified.5

1 Police v Pointon DC Tauranga CRN 110700006717, 6 December 2011 (Best CM).
2 Summary Proceedigs Act 1957, s 114A(2).
3 Pointon v Police DC Tauranga CRI 2012-470-5, 11 June 2012 (Judge P A Moran).
4 Summary Proceedings Act 1957, s 114B(2).
5 The test for granting leave to appeal to this Court under s 114B(2) of the Summary Proceedings Act 1957 is the same as that applying when this Court considers whether to grant leave to appeal to the Court of Appeal on a criminal appeal from the District Court: s 144(2). The applicable principles are set out in R v Slater [1977] 1 NZLR 211 (CA), in the context of the analogous “special leave” provisions of s 144(3). In cases in which a District Court Judge considers leave should be granted under s 114B(2) it would be helpful to this Court if the relevant question (or questions) of law were identified.


The District Court judgments
[3] Community Magistrate Best heard evidence both from the female complainant and Mr Pointon. In submissions, he was referred to Morse v Police,6 and Lowe v Police.7 Morse was a case in which the Supreme Court re-examined the test for offensive behaviour, in the context of an appeal against conviction under s 4(1)(a) for the burning of the New Zealand flag within sight of the Wellington Cenotaph on Anzac Day. In Lowe, a case decided before the Supreme Court’s decision in Morse, this Court allowed an appeal against conviction, on a charge of offensive behaviour brought against a naturist who was training on a bicycle in the nude.
[4] The Community Magistrate found that the complainant was “a reasonable member of the public using that public park for such purposes as it was created to accommodate [who] was offended by the presence of [Mr Pointon], in his naked state at the time of the offence, in that public place”. On that basis, he found the elements of the charge to have been proved and entered a conviction.
[5] On appeal, while upholding the Community Magistrate’s decision, Judge P A Moran disagreed with the approach taken. He applied a test that he considered better reflected the Supreme Court’s decision in Morse.8
[6] From the five judgments given in Morse, Judge Moran distilled the following propositions:
(a) To prove “offensive behaviour”, it is necessary for the prosecution to prove behaviour that tended to provoke or bring about disorder. Causing offence or annoyance is not sufficient.9
(b) Public order is disrupted if it creates unease at a level that inhibits recourse to a public place.10

6 Morse v Police [2011] NZSC 45; [2012] 2 NZLR 1.
7 Lowe v Police HC Wellington CRI-2009-485-135, 2 March 2010.
8 Morse v Police [2011] NZSC 45; [2012] 2 NZLR 1.
9 Pointon v Police DC Tauranga CRI-2012-470-5, 11 June 2012 at para [8], with reference to Morse at paras [26], [29] and [38] per Elias CJ and [64], [66] and [67] per Blanchard J.
10 Ibid, at para [9], referring to Elias CJ’s judgment in Morse, at para [2] and Anderson J, at para [127].
11 Ibid, at para [10].
12 Ibid, at para [11].
13 Ibid, at para [13].

(c) While the actual reaction of a complainant to particular behaviour is relevant evidence, it is not enough, of itself, to establish that the behaviour was, objectively, offensive.
(d) A contextual assessment of the relevant behaviour is required. This requires consideration to be given to the time, place and circumstances in which the behaviour occurred and its effect upon a reasonable member of the public exposed to it.11 For that purpose, a reasonable member of the public is one who is tolerant of the rights of others; particularly, the right to freedom of expression.12

[7] The Judge, in applying the test, had regard to the following circumstances:13
(a) Mr Pointon is a naturist, not an exhibitionist. He holds the belief that it is “natural and proper” for a person to be naked and that clothing is “an artificial construct that covers the human form”.
(b) When Mr Pointon runs naked, he exercises his right to freedom of expression, guaranteed by s 14 of the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 (the Bill of Rights).
(c) On this occasion, Mr Pointon was running in a naked state in a public park. He was using tracks within a wooded area. Near the intersection of two of those tracks he came across the complainant, a mature woman who was walking her dog.
(d) The complainant was sufficiently discomforted by the sight of Mr Pointon to insert keys that she had in her pocket between her fingers to construct a make-shift weapon and to return to her car. She did not

return to the park until she knew that Mr Pointon had been apprehended.14
(e) While the complainant described her reaction as “offended” and sufficiently “threatened” not to return, she conceded that she “never felt unsafe or scared”.
[8] Judge Moran disagreed with the Community Magistrate’s approach, on the basis that he had taken into account not only the potential impact of Mr Pointon’s behaviour on the complainant but also other types of people who were not actually exposed to it; for example children and young persons.15
[9] While the Community Magistrate had taken the view that Mr Pointon’s behaviour was “inappropriate in a public place”, Judge Moran said:16
14 The evidence established that the complaint was made after the complainant returned home and spoke to her husband. It was the following day that steps were taken to charge Mr Pointon.
15 Pointon v Police DC Tauranga CRI-2012-470-5, 11 June 2012 at para [22].
16 Ibid, at para [23].
[23] ... What was required was an assessment of whether, in the circumstances, a reasonable and tolerant mature woman would have been dissuaded from returning to the park in which she had encountered the naked Mr Pointon on his run.
[10] The District Court Judge, having identified what he considered to be the correct question, was satisfied that Mr Pointon’s behaviour was offensive, for the purpose of the Act. He said:

[24] . . . In the context of this case, had the Police proved beyond reasonable doubt, that Mr Pointon’s behaviour was such that a reasonable mature woman, tolerant of Mr Pointon’s right to freedom of expression, would be inhibited in her recourse to the park to the extent that she would be unwilling to return? The answer is plainly “yes”.
[The complainant’s] reaction was not that of a prudish intolerant woman. Her evidence of her reaction was measured and undramatic. It may be taken as indicative of the reaction of a reasonable woman.
A reasonable rights sensitive woman would be justified in taking into account the fact (established at the hearing) that there are non-public areas set aside locally for the use of naturists rendering naked


recourse to public parks unnecessary for freedom of expression to be exercised.

(footnotes omitted)

Competing submissions
[11] Mr Bott, for Mr Pointon, submitted that Mr Pointon’s behaviour was a form of freedom of expression and was not such as to attract the application of the criminal law. He contended that the fact that the complainant may have experienced “a personal dislike” of her “chance encounter with Mr Pointon”, and may even have “felt personal annoyance at his particular use of public space”, was insufficient to render the behaviour offensive, for the purpose of the Act.
[12] Mr Bott pointed to a “recurring theme” in Morse of the need for some public disorder element to be linked to the conduct in issue. He submitted that it could not be said that there was sufficient evidence of public order being disturbed to find that the conduct was offensive, at the time and in the manner it occurred.
[13] For the Police, Mr Belton contended that the decisions of the Community Magistrate and the District Court Judge ought to be upheld. He focussed on those parts of the judgments given in Morse that define, within the concept of disrupting public order, conduct that “inhibits or interferes with another’s use of public space”.
[14] Mr Belton contended that the correct approach was applied by Judge Moran on appeal from the Community Magistrate’s decision. He submitted that the appeal should be dismissed.

“Offensive behaviour”: legal principles
(a) Introductory comments
[15] In Morse,17 the Supreme Court unanimously held s 4(1)(a) of the Act is concerned with behaviour which, when objectively assessed, disrupts or disturbs

17 Morse v Police [2012] 2 NZLR 1 (SC).

public order. That approach was consistent with that Court’s earlier decision in Brooker v Police,18 a case involving a charge of disorderly behaviour. Because the trial had proceeded on the understanding that no disruption to public order was necessary for offensive behaviour to be made out, the evidence was held not “to allow a confident conclusion of impact on public order to be drawn”.19 The conviction was set aside. For practical reasons, no retrial was ordered.
[16] Section 4(1)(a) of the Act creates offences of both disorderly and offensive behaviour:

18 Brooker v Police [2007] 3 NZLR 91 (SC).
19 Morse v Police [2011] NZSC 45; [2012] 2 NZLR 1 at para [57] per Elias CJ.
20 See paras [19] and [20] below.
4 Offensive behaviour or language
(1) Every person is liable to a fine not exceeding $1,000 who,—
(a) In or within view of any public place, behaves in an offensive or disorderly manner; or
....
[17] There are two legal issues arising out of Morse that are relevant to this case:
(a) The first concerns the person from whose perspective the conduct in issue should be objectively assessed. On that issue, there was a division of opinion.20
(b) The second is the test for “offensive behaviour”. On this point, the five Judges appear to have been unanimous. Because they discussed the relevant concepts in different words, some synthesis of their respective approaches is required.

(b) From whose perspective is the behaviour judged?
[18] The first question concerns the approach to be taken when making an objective assessment of the behaviour in issue. Blanchard, Tipping and McGrath JJ considered that the “reasonable person” whose views should be considered ought to be referenced to the person whom it is alleged was subjected to the behaviour.21

[19] Both Blanchard and Tipping JJ considered that objectivity was achieved by this person being one “who takes a balanced, rights-sensitive view, conscious of the requirements of s 5 [of the Bill of Rights] and therefore is not unreasonably moved to wounded feelings or real anger, resentment, disgust or outrage”.22 McGrath J referred to a degree of interference with the use by others of a public place that must go beyond “what a society respectful of democratic values is reasonably expected to tolerate”.23
[20] Both the Chief Justice24 and Anderson J25 preferred an approach based on the view that would be taken by a hypothetical reasonable member of the public chosen by reference to a broader range of persons who might be present and see the behaviour in issue. Elias CJ said:

21 Morse v Police [2011] NZSC 45; [2012] 2 NZLR 1 at paras [64] and [66] per Blanchard J, [70]–[72] per Tipping J and [100] per McGrath J.
22 Ibid, at para [64] per Blanchard J and [70] per Tipping J. Section 5 of the Bill of Rights states that the rights affirmed in that statute are subject “only to such reasonable limits prescribed by law as can demonstrably be justified in a free and democratic society”.
23 Ibid, at para [103].
24 Ibid, at para [30].
25 Ibid, at para [127].

[30] . . . It is not necessary to tailor behaviour to the specific audience in order to protect the vulnerable, such as children. In a public place to which all members of society may have resort, the vulnerable and the young are included in the objective assessment.

[21] Were I not bound by the majority’s views in Morse, I would have approached this case on the basis of the those expressed by Elias CJ and Anderson J, as captured in the extract I have set out from the Chief Justice’s judgment. In my view, it is important that all potential classes of person who may come across such behaviour should be taken into account in determining, objectively, whether the behaviour crosses the “offensive” threshold.
[22] It seems to me, with the greatest of respect, that the majority’s approach is wholly dependent on chance; who happens upon the person concerned and whether that person is sufficiently offended to make a complaint to the Police. I prefer the Chief Justice’s view that to take the approach adopted by the majority has the undesirable effect of making it uncertain when the criminal law might be invoked.26 That said, I must apply the majority’s approach.

26 Ibid, at paras [13] and [14]. See also the Chief Justice’s observations in Brooker v Police [2007] 3 NZLR 91 (SC) at paras [38] and [39].
27 Ibid, at para [2].
(c) What is “offensive” behaviour?
[23] The concept of public order (or disorder) is difficult to apply in the context of behaviour involving a naked man running through the woods. If the person is running in a relatively remote location, it might confidently be said that there is little prospect of disruption to public order. In contrast, if a naked man were to do his gardening in full view of a neighbour’s house at which a young girl lived, that conduct could conceivably provoke a confrontation between the naked man and the girl’s father; potentially leading to a physical conflict. That juxtaposition of conduct involving public nudity emphasises the contextual nature of any analysis of this type.
[24] However, a potential for physical violence is not the relevant touchstone. As I read the judgments given in Morse, the Supreme Court took the view, unanimously, that behaviour that inhibits others from using or returning to a public place will be offensive, if of a sufficient level to justify intervention of the criminal law. That being so, it was unnecessary for the prosecution to establish a likelihood of violence to support a case of a threat of disturbance of public order.
[25] Elias CJ was prepared to hold that an offence was committed if the behaviour interfered “with use of public space by any member of the public, as through intimidation, bullying, or the creation of alarm or unease at a level that inhibits recourse to the place”.27
[26] Blanchard J spoke of both direct and indirect effects of behaviour that might justify classification as “offensive”. In the context of indirect effects, he referred to “kinds of behaviour that in some circumstances might constitute a serious interference with public order even where ... there was no realistic possibility” that a breach of the peace may ensue.28 Those observations were made by reference to comments made by Gleeson CJ in Coleman v Power:29

28 Ibid, at para [62].
29 Coleman v Power (2004) 220 CLR 1 (HCA) at para [9]. The Chief Justice’s observations were made in the context of charges of using insulting language, contrary to ss 7(1)(d) and 7A of the Vagrants, Gaming and Other Offences Act 1931 (Qld).
[9] It is open to parliament to form the view that threatening, abusive or insulting speech and behaviour may in some circumstances constitute a serious interference with public order, even where there is no intention, and no realistic possibility, that the person threatened, abused or insulted, or some third person, might respond in such a manner that a breach of the peace will occur. A group of thugs who intimidate or humiliate someone in a public place may possess such an obvious capacity to overpower their victim, or any third person who comes to the aid of the victim, that a forceful response to their conduct is neither intended nor likely. Yet the conduct may seriously disturb public order, and affront community standards of tolerable behaviour. It requires little imagination to think of situations in which, by reason of the characteristics of those who engage in threatening, abusive or insulting behaviour, or the characteristics of those towards whom their conduct is aimed, or the circumstances in which the conduct occurs, there is no possibility of forceful retaliation. A mother who takes her children to play in a park might encounter threats, abuse or insults from some rowdy group. She may be quite unlikely to respond, physically or at all. She may be more likely simply to leave the park. There may be any number of reasons why people who are threatened, abused or insulted do not respond physically. It may be (as with police officers) that they themselves are responsible for keeping the peace. It may be that they are self-disciplined. It may be simply that they are afraid. Depending upon the circumstances, intervention by a third party may also be unlikely.
[27] Blanchard J summarised his view as:

[67] . . . I would define offensive behaviour as behaviour capable of wounding feelings or arousing real anger, resentment, disgust or outrage in the mind of a reasonable person of the kind actually subjected to it in the circumstances in which it occurs, so that there is directly or indirectly (as discussed above) a disturbance of public order.

[28] Tipping J considered that “public order is sufficiently disturbed if the behaviour in question causes offence of such a kind or to such an extent that those affected are substantially inhibited in carrying out the purpose of their presence at the place where the impugned behaviour is taking place”. He added that only if “the effect of the behaviour reaches that level of interference with the activity in which those affected are engaged is it appropriate for the law to hold that their rights and interests should prevail over the right to freedom of expression of those whose behaviour is in contention”.30

[29] Tipping J emphasised that application of this touchstone was contextual, not abstract, in nature. For the purpose of the assessment, the hypothetical person was required to be appropriately tolerant of the rights of others. The Judge was of opinion that tolerance to the degree thought appropriate by the Court was the pivot on which the law reconciled the competing interests of public order and freedom of expression.31
[30] McGrath J focussed on the need to establish that “the intensity of proved offensive aspects of the defendant’s behaviour amounts to interference with the use by others of the public place to the extent that the conduct should be classed as offensive behaviour in terms of s 4(1)(a)”.32 The Judge emphasised that, to amount to an offence, the proved conduct “must involve a serious interference with the standards reflected in those community expectations”.33 Referring to the need for balance between the right of a person to freedom of expression and the right of members of the public to freedom of peaceful assembly,34 McGrath J said:

30 Ibid, at para [71].
31 Ibid, at para [72].
32 Ibid, at para [103].
33 Ibid.
34 New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990, s 18.
[110] On the other hand, members of the public are entitled to enjoy tranquillity and security in public places. They also enjoy rights protected by the Bill of Rights Act, in particular, the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. That right, which is usually claimed by those engaged in political protest, complements other civil rights under the Bill of Rights Act, including freedom of expression. Freedom of assembly is not limited to gatherings for the purpose of protest. It extends to formal and informal assemblies in participation in community life. Gatherings for purposes that are ostensibly less political are also important to citizens for forming opinions and, ultimately, for participating in the democratic process.
(footnotes omitted)

[31] Anderson J observed that “public order may be affected in two broad ways depending on the circumstances”. For present purposes, the first of the Judge’s classifications is relevant. His Honour said that “behaviour in a public place, viewed objectively, may have a reasonable propensity or likelihood to dissuade others from enjoying their right to use that place, whether by entering it or remaining in it. This is an interference with another’s legal right to enjoy a public amenity”.35

35 Morse v Police [2011] NZSC 45; [2012] 2 NZLR 1 at paras [126] and [127].
36 See paras [18] and [19] above.
37 See paras [25]–[31] above.
38 See paras [28]–[31] above.
(d) The tests to be applied
[32] Acknowledging that both Brooker and Morse were cases involving protests and the application of the tests to a man running naked through the woods was not likely to have been at the forefront of the Judges’ minds when they were formulated, I endeavour to synthesise the views expressed in the Supreme Court, by reference to the facts of this case:
(a) The complainant’s reaction is no more than evidence of how a particular person did react in the situation under consideration. The test is whether someone in her position, being respectful of Mr Pointon’s right to express himself by running naked through the woods in the circumstances prevailing at the time, would have been offended by the conduct.36
(b) For behaviour of the type exhibited by Mr Pointon to amount to a criminal offence, it must interfere with use of a public space by causing such unease as to inhibit recourse (or return) to the place.37 The relevant level of behaviour is fixed by reference to whether it is of such a character as to attract the interest of the criminal law and render a person liable to a conviction and a fine not exceeding $1000.
(c) The level of the conduct producing the inhibition is determined by comparing what the (hypothetical) reasonable member of the public of the kind who was actually affected by the conduct would tolerate as an exercise of Mr Pointon’s freedom of expression (on the one hand) with the complainant’s entitlement to enjoy tranquillity and security when using a public amenity38 (on the other).

Analysis
(a) Freedom of expression
[33] Although it has always been accepted that Mr Pointon was exercising his right to freedom of expression,39 the nature of that right, in the particular circumstances, is relevant to the question whether the conduct was “offensive”, for the purposes of s 4(1)(a). That is because of the need to balance Mr Pointon’s right to express himself against the right of a member of the public to use amenities available to all.40 Section 14 of the Bill of Rights provides:

39 See para [7](a) and (b) above.
40 See para [32](c) above.
41 Redmond-Bate v Director of Public Prosecutions [1999] EWHC Admin 733.
42 Ontario Adult Entertainment Bar Association v Metropolitan Toronto (Municipality) (1997), 11 C.R. (5th) 180 (Ont CA).
Freedom of expression
Everyone has the right to freedom of expression, including the freedom to seek, receive, and impart information and opinions of any kind in any form.
[34] For present purposes, the conduct giving rise to the expression can be equated to words uttered to exercise free speech. In Redmond-Bate v Director of Public Prosecutions,41 Sedley LJ described the concept of freedom of speech:

20. ... Free speech includes not only the inoffensive but the irritating, the contentious, the eccentric, the heretical, the unwelcome and the provocative provided it does not tend to provoke violence. Freedom only to speak inoffensively is not worth having. What Speakers’ Corner (where the law applies as fully as anywhere else) demonstrates is the tolerance which is both extended by the law to opinion of every kind and expected by the law in the conduct of those who disagree, even strongly, with what they hear. From the condemnation of Socrates to the persecution of modern writers and journalists, our world has seen too many examples of state control of unofficial ideas. ....

[35] The right to freedom of expression is protected in Canada by s 2(b) of that country’s Charter of Rights. The cases that have been decided in that jurisdiction make it clear that the boundaries of the right are wide. The most striking illustration of that is Ontario Adult Entertainment Bar Association v Metropolitan Toronto (Municipality).42 In that case, the Court of Appeal of Ontario considered the right to freedom of expression in the context of lap dancing undertaken in two adult entertainment parlours within the city of Toronto. Delivering the judgment of the Court of Appeal, Finlayson JA, said:43

43 Ontario Adult Entertainment Bar Association v Metropolitan Toronto (Municipality) (1997), 11 C.R. (5th) (Ont CA) at paras 49 and 50.
44 Irwin Toy Ltd v Quebec (Attorney-General) [1989] 1 SCR 927.
45 Dickson CJ, Lamer and Wilson JJ. Beetz and McIntyre JJ dissented. The report states that Estey and Le Dain JJ took no part in the judgment.
46 Irwin Toy Ltd v Quebec (Attorney-General) [1989] 1 SCR 927 at para [42].
49 I appreciate that there are various versions of lap dancing, and thus the challenge of regulation surfaces. To the extent that touching in close contact dancing is as benign as the interveners' affidavits would suggest, then I may assume for these purposes, but not decide, that close contact dancing conveys meaning, and is thus prima facie constitutionally protected. There may be an expressive quality to the touch that fosters the spirit of the dance.
50 The more difficult question relates to the characterization of lap dancing in its more explicit form. I am alive to the views expressed in Mara, supra, and Ludacka, supra. However, I am also aware of the general judicial response to the process of labelling certain conduct as expression for Charter purposes. In particular, courts have been unwilling to assess the nature and content of certain underlying conduct, which is the subject of a s. 2(b) inquiry, during the first stage of the Irwin Toy analysis. Rather, courts have taken an expansive view in approaching the characterization of conduct as expression, and have used the inquiry under s. 1 of the Charter to assess the competing values and interests that arise when viewing certain impugned conduct. I would adopt this approach here and assume, but not decide, that lap dancing, even in its more explicit form, is expression, even if only marginally so, given earlier judicial pronouncements with respect to the broad classification of conduct under s. 2(b).
[36] The Ontario Court of Appeal, in Ontario Adult Entertainment, relied on an earlier decision of the Supreme Court of Canada, in Irwin Toy Ltd Quebec (Attorney-General).44 In that case, a majority of the Supreme Court45 set out their view on the rationale for the right to freedom of expression:46

We cannot, then, exclude human activity from the scope of the guaranteed free expression on the basis of the content or meaning being conveyed. Indeed, if the activity conveys or attempts to convey a meaning, it has expressive content and prima facie falls within the scope of the guarantee. Of course, while most human activity combines expressive and physical elements, some human activity is purely physical and does not convey or attempt to convey meaning. It might be difficult to characterize certain day-to-day tasks, like parking a car, as having expressive conduct. To bring such activity within the protected sphere, the plaintiff would have to show that it was performed to convey a meaning. For example, an unmarried person might, as part of a public protest, park in a zone reserved for the spouses of government employees in order to express dissatisfaction or outrage at the chosen method of allocating a limited resource. If that person could demonstrate that his activity did in fact have expressive conduct, he would, at this stage, be within the protected sphere …

[37] I make it clear that I do not endorse the notion that lap-dancing could be viewed as an exercise of one’s “freedom of expression”.47 I refer to those authorities merely to explain the nature and potential scope of the concept of the right. Mr Pointon’s right to run naked to draw attention to his lifestyle choice is one that must be weighed, in the context of this case, against the hypothetical reasonable person’s right to use the park, as a public amenity.

47 See also, in this context, Priestley J’s comments on the purported exercise of freedom of expression to call stray cats in a loud voice in public: Thompson v Police [2012] NZHC 2234 at paras [73]–[75].
48 Lowe v Police HC Wellington CRI-2009-485-135, 2 March 2010.
49 Ibid, at para [3].
(b) Was Mr Pointon’s behaviour “offensive”?
[38] In Lowe v Police,48 Mr Lowe appealed against his conviction on a single charge of offensive behaviour. Clifford J described Mr Lowe as “a committed cyclist and naturist” who “competes naked in naturist sporting events” as well as “some ordinary sporting events, such as the Coast to Coast race”. There was uncontested evidence that Mr Lowe had been competing and training in a naked state for many years, without any complaint.49
[39] On 15 March 2009, coincidentally “World Nude Bike Day”, Mr Lowe was training in Upper Hutt. While riding he was wearing a helmet and a heartbeat monitor, but nothing else. He was seen by a woman who was driving along the road on which he was cycling. Her five month old son was in the car with her. She made a complaint to the Police. Mr Lowe was charged with offensive behaviour.
[40] Clifford J applied a test discussed in Brooker. At that time, Morse had not been decided by the Supreme Court. The Judge found that the behaviour was not capable of “wounding feelings or arousing anger, resentment, disgust or outrage in the mind of a reasonable person of the kind actually subjected to it in the circumstances in which it occurs”.50
[41] Clifford J said:51

50 Ibid, at para [24], applying Brooker v Police [2007] 3 NZLR 91 (SC) at para [55] (Blanchard J).
51 Ibid, at paras [28] and [29]. The Judge’s reference to Ceramalus is to Ceramalus v Police (1991) 7 CRNZ 678 (HC) (an offensive behaviour case) and R v Ceramalus CA14/96, 17 July 1996 (a disorderly behaviour case).
[28] Here, Mr Lowe was cycling on a relatively quiet rural road. He was not walking naked in a suburban street. The complainant confirmed that she had not been able to see his genitals. Furthermore, I do not consider that a person driving along a road, or even walking along it, would be exposed to Mr Lowe’s nakedness in the way they would be exposed to the nakedness of someone walking along a suburban street. A car would pass Mr Lowe at some speed. Mr Lowe would no doubt also pass a pedestrian at some speed. The opportunity for exposure to his nakedness would therefore be considerably less than would be the case when a person walks naked along a suburban street. The particular circumstances here are, in my view, quite different from those in the later Ceramalus case.
[29] Moreover, the way the complainant described her reaction, and in particular the Justices’ assessment of that reaction as the complainant being “quite concerned”, supports the conclusion that, in these particular circumstances, the test set down for offensive behaviour has not been satisfied.
[42] Lowe provides an illustration of a contextual analysis of behaviour that led the Court to the conclusion that display of public nudity was not offensive. A similar clinical analysis is required in respect of the present case, having regard to the revised test for offensive behaviour outlined by the Supreme Court in Morse.
[43] There was conflicting evidence before the Community Magistrate on the extent of the view that the complainant had of Mr Pointon as he approached and ran past her. In cross-examination, the following exchange occurred between counsel for Mr Pointon and the complainant:

Q. Mr Pointon . . . tells me that the closest he would have been to you at any one point would have been about approximately 15 metres. You say it’s approximately maybe about two or three metres, he says it’s approximately 15 metres. Would you agree with that assessment?
A. Um, no I would have thought it was closer than that.
Q. He says that you were on the upper track and he was on the lower track?
A. No, well, you almost need to have a diagram to explain it really, um. The track that I was on it, you know, I had just come around a bend and, um, he was coming down and there was like that junction point where he could whizz off down to the lower track that was heading down and that’s where I saw him. I mean, I – ‘cos I had just come round a bend, there – from where the bend was to where the junction was to take the central path that he took, was quite close.
Q. But it would have been, I’d imagine, a fleeting glimpse of him?
A. Um, well it was long enough for me, for him to say, “Hello”, and for me to be shocked and for him to, you know, I mean I got a fairly good indication of what he looked like; I could give a description to the police, which I think was probably reasonably accurate. It was more than a fleeting glimpse I think.
Q. How long would you put it at?
A Oh, I don’t know, um, 10/15 seconds, which I think is long enough. It was enough that, you know, I was fairly put off by it.
[44] On the other hand, Mr Pointon, after explaining his notion of naturism and the way in which it affects his lifestyle, suggested that there was less time for the complainant to see him. That issue was the subject of cross-examination by the prosecuting sergeant:

Q. You said in evidence that you try and use your discretion not to offending anyone, so by saying that you acknowledge that your activity can be offensive to some people, can’t it?
A. It may.
Q. So on this particular day, when you say [the complainant] up ahead, and you say some 10 to 15 metres away, why did you not change direction and go another way?
A. Um, I didn’t see her ahead. As I said, and I’ll say it again, that she was up to my left on another track. Um, I did not have to deviate off my track at all.
Q. Okay, in your evidence you say, I think you said, 10 to 12 metres away. In the notebook that the constable read out in the conversation in the back of the patrol car, you said, “Only a few metres away”?
A. Which could constitute 10 to 12 metres.
Q. Or it could constitute from me to you, which she said in evidence, and you admit to saying hello?
A. To the dog.
Q. And now you say that was to the dog, not directed at her? A. She might construe it as being directly to her.
Q. And you made no attempt to cover your private parts with your hand?
A. Um, not until I’d realised that there was a female figure up to my left on, on, on a upper track. By that time it was, um, what would have been seen would have been very minimal from a side-on perspective.


 [45] While the Community Magistrate did not attempt to resolve that conflict, I am satisfied that it is of little moment. The basic facts are not disputed. Mr Pointon was running on a week day at an hour when he might reasonably have expected no school-aged children to be present on the tracks. He ran in a relatively secluded area and had a chance encounter with the complainant. While she expressed “shock” and felt, to some extent, a sense of vulnerability, the evidence suggests that those emotions were stirred more by the unexpected sight of a naked man running in her vicinity than by any sense of fear or trepidation. That view of the evidence is largely consistent with the District Court Judge’s summary on the first appeal.52
[46] While the actual reaction of the complainant is relevant, it is not determinative. The issue is whether a reasonable person in her position would have been offended by Mr Pointon’s naked body to such an extent that the criminal law is required to respond to the offence caused. Mr Pointon’s behaviour was, no doubt, “unwelcome”.53 But, was it really sufficiently grave to inhibit the person from remaining in the park or returning to it, to the point of requiring the intervention of the criminal law? In my view, the answer is “no”.
[47] Judge Moran identified two reasons for dismissing Mr Pointon’s appeal from the Community Magistrate’s decision.54 With respect, I disagree with him because:
(a) In posing his test, I consider that the Judge did not factor in sufficiently the need for the behaviour to be of a type that would inhibit the reasonable affected person’s recourse to the park or willingness to return to it to such an extent that the intervention of the criminal law was justified.
(b) The Judge took into account an irrelevant fact when he decided that a “reasonable rights sensitive woman” would be justified in taking into account the existence of non-public areas for the use of naturists, so as to render naked recourse to public parks unnecessary.

[48] As to the first of those, the extent to which the behaviour inhibits recourse or return to public areas was something that was emphasised by all members of the Supreme Court in Morse. The fact that the complainant felt inhibited from returning to the park until such time as Mr Pointon had been apprehended does not, viewed alone, address the balance between exercise of freedom of expression and the right of another to enjoy tranquillity and security in a public place.55
[49] This point can be illustrated by taking a hypothetical example of two gang members, innocently strolling along the same track, both wearing gang patches. It would be not surprising for a person in the position of the complainant to be concerned and discomforted by their presence, and even to feel threatened. However, on any view, their conduct could not be regarded as “offensive behaviour”. Should the sight of a naked man, in the circumstances in which the complainant found herself, be treated any differently? I think not. 5

2 See para [7] above.
53 Compare Redmond-Bate v Director of Public Prosecutions [1999] EWHC Admin 733 at para [20]; set out at para [34] above.
54 Pointon v Police DC Tauranga CRI-2012-470-5, 11 June 2012 at para [24], set out at para [10] above.


[50] As to the second, the Judge appears to have removed the element of freedom of expression against which the right to tranquillity and security in public places is to be weighed. The Judge reasoned that it was unnecessary for Mr Pointon to express himself as he did because there were other areas in which he could do so. This aspect of the Judge’s reasoning casts doubt on whether he applied the test to which he expressly referred in his judgment; namely, whether “a reasonable mature woman, tolerant of Mr Pointon’s right to freedom of expression, would be inhibited in her recourse to the park to the extent that she would be unwilling to return?”56 The doubt arises out of his view that it was unnecessary for Mr Pointon to exercise his right to freedom of expression in that way. That is beside the point. He did.

[51] On the facts of this particular case, I consider that the prosecution did not prove that Mr Pointon was guilty of offensive behaviour.
[52] It is accepted that Mr Pointon is a genuine naturist. He had chosen a time of the day when it was unlikely (though not certain) that children would be present on the track. While the complainant was discomforted by the sight of Mr Pointon and, as I read the evidence, instinctively responded to that feeling, the encounter was brief. The position was really no different from that which might have arisen had she encountered the hypothetical gang members to whom I referred earlier.57
 55 See para [32](c) above.
56 Pointon v Police DC Tauranga CRI-2012-470-5, 11 June 2012 at para [24], set out at para [10] above.

 [53] In those circumstances, I consider that a reasonable person having the characteristics of the particular complainant would not have been offended to such a degree as to warrant invocation of the criminal law. The complainant’s decision not to continue to use or return to the park was her choice, rather than something compelled by Mr Pointon’s conduct.

57 See para [49] above
Result
[54] For those reasons, the appeal is allowed. The conviction entered in the District Court and the sentence imposed in consequence are both set aside.

________________________________
P R Heath J
Delivered at 2.00pm on 30 November 2012












Saturday, 10 November 2012

More Teenagers Behind Bars, But Are We Any Safer?


As a result of one insane teenager killing a complainant while on bail, the Sensible Sentencing Tust has successfully lobbied the Justice and Law Reform Select Committee to tighten our bail laws. There will be an expansion of the  reverse onus imposed in relation to certain classes of crimes and the presumption of liberty (and innocence) get's short shrift. 
As the New Zealand Herald reported yesterday (10 November 2012):
 "A bill tightening bail laws for killers and repeat offenders is being toughened by making it harder for 18- and 19-year-olds to avoid custody.
Sweeping changes to bail legislation which were designed to prevent violent or sexual offenders reoffending while on bail have been approved by a parliamentary committee.
If it becomes law, the bill will mark a fundamental shift in legal principles by reversing the onus of proof for alleged offenders." ....
Under present law, the Crown must show why defendants should be locked up.
The introduction of the bill coincided with the launch of a movement called "Christie's Law".
It wants tighter bail laws after the murder of North Shore teenager Christie Marceau at the hands of 19-year-old Akshay Chand, who was on bail at the time.
Christie's mother, Tracey Marceau, said she was ecstatic the select committee had advanced the bill.
"I feel that perhaps they are starting to listen to the voice of the people."
Law and order committee chairwoman Jacqui Dean said the overwhelming message from public submissions - including the Christie's Law group - was for increased public protection from bailed people with previous convictions.
This concern influenced a change which has made the bill tougher.
The original bill proposed that 17- to 19-year-old repeat offenders should no longer be favoured to get bail.
Ms Collins said the amended bill went further.
"The presumption in favour of bail for those aged 18 and 19 has been removed altogether - they would be subject to the standard adult test."
Only people aged 17 or younger would be favoured to get bail on their first charge.
Also added was a clause giving police greater powers with regard to children on bail. Officers would be able to arrest, without paperwork, under-14-year-olds who were breaching bail.
Said Ms Dean: "You've got to think about a young kid out at night - they're not out to buy an ice cream. If they've got form, they're possibly up to no good. Giving [police] power to arrest these young people gets them out of harm's way."
The fact is more New Zealanders die every year as a result of unsafe work places and corporate negligence than through murder (65 murders in 2009 and 46 in 2010 source NZ Herald), and still our government does practically nothing about work place safety.
Yet we now see the Justice and Law Reform Select Committee moving to tighten bail laws so more 17 - 19 year old teenagers will be remanded in custody. Why don't they focus with the same level of determination on work place deaths and injuries?

The Herald on 26 September 2012 carried the following report:


"With New Zealand's internationally high workplace death toll showing it is twice as dangerous as Australia for workers there is no room for complacency over public health, University of Otago Professor Jennie Connor says.
"We need a [health] system that is more strategic and less reactive," she said.
"We should invest more in public health. If we use that money [spent on public health] wisely, there are huge economies of scale in protecting people's health. I don't think we should be complacent," she said.
An Independent Taskforce on Workplace Health and Safety last week released a hard-hitting consultation document on workplace deaths and injuries which says it is about twice as dangerous to work in New Zealand as it is in Australia.
And it is nearly four times as risky as working in Britain.
About 100 people die in such accidents each year in New Zealand."
Crime is an easy sop, yet in terms of actual harm to innocent New Zealanders, the average kiwi is more at risk from their work place than they are from mentally disturbed teenagers.

"Hard cases make bad law" is an old legal maxim that is still true today. Its meaning is that a particularly unpleasant case is a poor basis for a general law which would cover a wider range of less extreme cases. In other words, a general law is better drafted for the average circumstance as this will be more common. My concern is that as a result of clamour after one or very few cases we have seen another fundamental change to established legal principles. 

There may be a perception that we are safer, but the effect of banging young people away in an adult prison, may actually socialise them to crime through the removal of pro-social supports and may  elevate risk in the long term. 

This is done on the basis of a few cases (I am not denying the grief for relatives), yet in an area where there is actual recorded harm work place deaths, we stand by and do nothing. In an area the actual advance in terms of community safety if we actually did something and actively promoted laws to ensure workplace safety the effect would be real and dramatic. 




Tuesday, 2 October 2012

'E-Courts' Triumph of Penny Pinching over Justice?

Thinking of all my friends in the Ministry of Justice who work in the Courts of New Zealand today. They are being called to special meeting today to discuss 'modernising' how they work. Legal aid lawyers have been shafted, now these hardworking people are next. 

Over the past decade we have seen a seismic shift in our communities in regards to our historic rights and freedoms. Since "9/11" the right has used combatting terrorism as an excuse to roll back rights that have been deemed sacrosanct and hard earned for centuries. Now with the recession, 'belt tightening' is the latest excuse used by the right to further erode legal protections. First, accused people have lost in most cases their right to be represented by counsel of choice; then there have been changes to the Bail Act, whereby the right have sought to reverse the presumption of innocence, so an accused person will find it progressively harder to obtain bail, and now with fixed fees most lawyers are finding it increasingly difficult to represent clients on the parsimonious fees available on legal aid.  Sadly we are now losing legal skills and the independent defence bar as practitioners are progressively leaving defence work, or moving to an increasingly private practice, where the wealthy are the only ones who can obtain counsel of choice and detailed representation.

Sadly this trend is now arriving at the door of Justice. The move to 'e-courts' where judges sit remote from the people whose liberty interests are at stake, will see a real risk of the process becoming even more dehumanised as the actors become more detached from each other. We are rapidly becoming controlled by a system that knows the cost of everything but the value of nothing.


Courts overhaul announcement expected

Updated at 7:43 am today
The Government is about to outline plans for a major overhaul of the court system.
Court staff have been called to meetings this morning, following months of talk about modernising the way they work.
Courts Minister Chester Borrows has described the current paper-based system as old-fashioned.
Judges will move next year to a system called e-Bench, allowing them to manage criminal cases electronically.
Mr Borrows also wants people to be able to have their court matters dealt with by video link from home, or their lawyer's office, should they wish.
Labour says the changes are entirely driven by a desire to cut costs, rather than to improve services, and says it expects significant job losses as a result of replacing people with technology.

Wednesday, 26 September 2012

Tougher Parole Regime Announced

Groan! The sight of a calendar has become depressing to me. Everyday it seems our Government is doing something more to take us that step closer to a police state.




Yesterday our Justice Minister announced that she will be making parole eligibility tougher. Inmates will now have to acknowledge guilt to qualify for parole. Her press release said as follows:

"Offenders who refuse to accept their guilt, or make little effort at rehabilitation, will have fewer parole hearings, Justice Minister Judith Collins has announced.
The Government will amend the Parole Act to reduce the number of "unnecessary" parole hearings for offenders with little prospect of release.
The move was part of National's post-election plan.
Collins said the change would reduce the number of parole hearings by about 800 a year.
"For offenders who refuse to acknowledge their offending and have made little or no effort at rehabilitation, it makes no sense to hold parole hearings," she said.
"Future hearings will also be aligned with the completion of core milestones in an inmate's offender plan - agreed activities and goals that aim to reduce likelihood of reoffending."
What's wrong with that? Well for a start the fact of a conviction does not mean that a person is in fact guilty. The legal system is in fact a human system and it does occasionally get it wrong. One only need look at the cases of Arthur Allan Thomas, David Dougherty, David Bain as examples.

The other thing, shouldn't it be someone's right to say, "I am innocent, you might take away my reputation and my freedom, but I tell you I am innocent."The only rational reason to further punish someone for taking that stand by denying them parole is if that denial is in itself linked to risk of further reoffending while on parole.

Section 7 of our Parole Act, gets the balance right:
 7 Guiding principles
(1) When making decisions about, or in any way relating to, the release of an offender, the   paramount consideration for the Board in every case is the safety of the community.


(2) Other principles that must guide the Board's decisions are—
    • (a) that offenders must not be detained any longer than is consistent with the safety of the community, and that they must not be subject to release conditions that are more onerous, or last longer, than is consistent with the safety of the community;

In other words if it is not related to risk, then there should be no problem with maintaining one's innocence. Even our Court of Appeal recognises that denial is not of itself indicative of risk. In R v Peta [2007] NZCA 28  they said:


[65] The next error was that the original health assessor treated Mr Peta's denial of the offending as an indicator of likely recidivism. Research has shown that denial of offending by itself does not operate in this manner. It is true that s 107F(2) of the Act includes the offender's acceptance of responsibility and remorse of past offending as a factor to be considered. Any denial of offending must be considered, however, in the proper context. While denial has not been found to be not predictive in itself, it may still be a matter that could contribute to an individual's risk by causing difficulties with willingness to undergo treatment. Thus, while denial is not a predictive factor, recognition of offending can be a protective one. Further, where combined with evidence of psychopathy and sexual deviance, denial of offending can be an important consideration.

Sadly the Minister of Justice chooses to ignore evidence and principle and instead wishes to use parole as a device to extract admissions of guilt. Former highly respected Australian Judge, Justice Kirby  believes such thinking lacks integrity and is an affront to the dignity and conscience even of a convicted person. In Suresh v The Queen (1998) 72 ALJR 769 Kirby J (at 781) commented:

"Enforced admissions of guilt, as the effective price of liberty, are not normally a feature of criminal justice in Australia.  Whilst an acknowledgment of wrongdoing in the undertaking of such courses may be useful in particular cases, the extraction of admissions by the prospect of early release from custody will often lack integrity and may affront the dignity of the conscience even of a convicted person.  A better means of encouraging participation in the treatment course should, in my view, be considered.  A discretion to accommodate the exercise of legal rights and also cases of conscientious objection … would be highly desirable, if not legally required."

It is recognised that there are a variety of reasons that an offender may maintain his innocence, even after conviction. This was recognised by the English High Court in Secretary of State for Home Department Ex parte Hepworth, Fenton-Palmer and Baldonzy and R v. Parole Board Ex parte Winfield, R v. [1997] EWHC Admin 324 (25th March, 1997), at paragraph 37 citing Ex p. Zulfikar (July 1995, unreported) :
But there may be a variety of reasons why a prisoner will not accept his guilt. He may genuinely have been wrongly convicted. Although inwardly he may know he is guilty, he may be unwilling to accept that he has lied in the past or confront loss of face in accepting what he has hitherto denied. Where, for example, the offence is one of specific intent, he may genuinely have persuaded himself that he did not have the necessary intent. Such a man may in all other respects be a model prisoner. He may have behaved impeccably in prison, occupied his time constructively and shown himself trustworthy and reliable with a settled background to which to return.
 In Batts v Dept of Corrective Services [2002] QSC 206 the Supreme Court of Queensland stated, at paragraph 32:

Recognising the increased difficulty is, however, a long way from saying that because he has denied guilt a prisoner must be regarded as an unacceptable risk if released. To classify a prisoner as an unacceptable risk to the community merely because of a refusal to admit guilt is to apply a policy without regard to the merits of a particular case. I can find nothing in Dr Booysen's report to support a finding of a "high" risk of re-offending other than the fact he has not undertaken the treatment course. The conclusion of limited insight into the offending behaviour is based upon his failure to acknowledge guilt
It appears that Ms Collins is advocating a policy that can be rendered as:  denial = no treatment = high risk = no parole.  This appears to be arbitrary, unprincipled and not based upon research or international thinking. It represents a major departure from s7 of the Parole Act 2002 is a breach of the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990:
          25 Minimum standards of criminal procedure
  • Everyone who is charged with an offence has, in relation to the determination of the charge, the following minimum rights:
    • (d)the right not to be compelled to be a witness or to confess guilt:
And:
            13Freedom of thought, conscience, and religion
  • Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion, and belief, including the right to adopt and to hold opinions without interference.
Lastly:
23 Rights of persons arrested or detained
(5) Everyone deprived of liberty shall be treated with humanity and with respect for the inherent dignity of the person



While we may argue about what s25 means in relation to "determination of the charge" it is deeply troubling that a Minister of the Crown should be advocating using access to parole as a tool to extract a confession.  Further, she appears to be advocating the effective punishment of an inmate for holding to his or her belief that they are innocent.  It will have a dehumanising effect, lacks integrity and is an affront to the dignity of the inmates concerned.

Lastly, isn't it richly ironic that a Government that beats the "lawnorder" drum and wants to be seen as being tough on criminals by toughening up parole eligibility, should rely for its majority to enact this legislation upon a man who police believe has broken the law regarding campaign donations, yet whom they can't prosecute as they are out of time? Surely for this Government to have any integrity they should lead by example first?

Sunday, 23 September 2012

National Standards

So Fairfax has published the results of National Standards. Have they told us anything we did not know - namely that kids from poor areas don't do as well academically as kids from wealthier areas? Nope they haven't. The question is what are we going to do about it? I just hope that Paula Bennett doesn't decide that she will 'incentivise' beneficiaries to 'empower' their kids to do better, by cutting the benefit to the families of kids that under achieve. Nothing surprises me.

Thursday, 23 August 2012

Supreme Court Justice Criticises Legal Aid Changes


No one has picked up on this yet. But a Justice from our highest Court has robustly criticised the Government's legal aid reforms and he suggested “re-examining how legal aid should be delivered.” Justice Tipping retired last week, and in his final sitting he delivered a speech making some major criticisms of the legal aid reforms. Effectively he says that the reforms may be inconsistent with the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990: ( (s24(d) the right to adequate time and facilities to prepare a defence, and s25(h) the right, if convicted of the offence, to appeal according to law to a higher court against the conviction or against the sentence or against both). In other words the reforms directly undermine access to justice and equality before the law. 
“My concern is that the solution those genuine problems received resembled the use of a sledgehammer to crack a nut,” he said.
The scope of legal aid and the rates of remuneration were now at a level that seriously risked compromising the delivery of justice, at least in some fields.
Sir Andrew asked whether the current legal aid system was consistent with the observance of these fundamental rights under section 24(d) and section 25(h) of the Bill of Rights, as well as whether the cuts to legal aid would actually save tax payer money.
“The irony is that the money saved by not granting legal aid is very often overtaken by corresponding, if not greater costs being incurred elsewhere. I refer to the extra work needed by the registry staff and the Judges themselves when an appellant is unrepresented. It is a false economy that we seem to be pursuing,” he said.
He also reflected on the relationship between the Ministry of Justice and the Judiciary and how it should be described as one of “mutual co-operation” rather than partnership. This separation was necessary to maintain separation and balance of powers.
“Judges are appointed to judge and Ministry staff are appointed to administer the Courts and provide the infrastructure necessary to enable the Judges to discharge their judicial responsibilities,” Sir Andrew said.
“The concept of partnership risks a failure to recognise the necessary separation of powers.
“I must say that in my time as a Judge I have noticed an increasing lack of understanding and appreciation of the role of the higher courts as the third branch of government.”

For completeness I have attached the entire speech. The remarks I refer to are made towards the end.


Final Sitting 
The Right Honourable Justice Andrew Tipping 
Friday 17 August 2012 
I thought I would do two things on this occasion. First I will highlight some of the major developments in the content of the law during my 50 years as a law student, practitioner and Judge. Secondly, I will offer some reflections on issues which are important as the legal system and its administration moves forward into the future. 
As regards the substance of the law, there is much that could be said, but I will mention developments in four areas only: tort, contract, equity and statute law. This will necessarily be a brief and highly selective survey. 
Hedley Byrne v Heller was decided in 1963 while I was a law student. I can well remember the stir, almost excitement, that it caused. The decision came 30 years after Donoghue v Stevenson. Among other things it made a breach in the physical harm/economic loss barrier and signalled the further developments 
made by the House of Lords in Anns which did not last in England but have lasted in New Zealand. Whatever you may think of the modern law of negligence in New Zealand, we have at least steered a fairly consistent path over the last 40 years. That path has, in analytical terms, been based largely on Anns case. England itself and Australia have not been so consistent. Canada has steered substantially the same path as us. 
In the field of contract, the greatest development in the past 50 years can be found in the passing of the four key contract statutes which have dealt individually with illegality, mistake, remedies and privity. From those pieces of legislation has emerged a body of caselaw in each field that is based on sound principles and has, by and large, provided a satisfactory blend of predictability and flexibility. In the contractual area there has also developed in my legal lifetime a curiously convoluted and diverse jurisprudence in relation to contract interpretation. Not only the Judges but also academic writers have spent much time and energy on 
a subject that one would have thought, conceptually at least, would have become settled well before now. 
In short and simple terms someone interpreting a contract is looking to identify by objective means the shared subjective intent of the parties. If we could all agree that anything relevant to that inquiry should be regarded as admissible, whether it be pre or post contract, that would help put a rather tiresome issue to bed. 
In the field of equity, a significant development has been the rise of the impact and importance of the concept of fiduciary duty, together with the development of remedies for breach. We now have at least the makings of a reasonably stable body of authority in this field. But, as in so many areas of the law, there is a clamour from some quarters for greater predictability of outcome. Experience suggests, however, that while a measure of predictability is desirable for the application of any legal principle, it is unwise and seldom conducive to the ends of justice to strive too hard for certainty of outcome when framing a principle. The 
more is this so in relation to fiduciary duty when we remember that equity developed as an antidote to the rigidity of the common law. 
All we can hope to achieve in any field is an appropriate balance of two inherently inconsistent bedfellows: predictability and flexibility. When, in the interests of certainty, we prefer a firm clear rule with little flexibility, such as exists in relation to forfeiture of deposits, we must bear with fortitude the howls of protest that come from the tree-hugging members of the legal community. When we prefer a more flexible approach we must endure with similar fortitude the protests that will inevitably come from those who prefer their legal weetbix to have the consistency of concrete. 
And so to my fourth head: statute law. A much higher proportion of civil litigation is now concerned with statutory interpretation. That brings to mind two recent statutes which were very long in gestation but seem to have turned out successfully. The first is the Evidence Act which came into force in 2006. I must 
say I was nervous that the codification of the whole of the law of evidence would be productive of much litigation. There has of course been litigation but overall my anxiety was misplaced. The Act has worked well. 
My second example is the recent Limitation Act. We have not yet had much exposure to this legislation but it too seems destined to be successful and to represent a much needed modernisation and clarification of what for litigators can often be an important area. 
The Courts are now generally dealing with much more complex issues in the process of statutory interpretation than was the case in my earlier days in the law. The rise in complex regulatory control mechanisms over various fields of activity has brought with it concepts not immediately familiar to legal minds. A concomitant has been the rise of expert witnesses and wonderful new concepts such as hot tubbing. I am pleased to say that, at least at the moment, it does not 
seem that the Judge has to get into the hot tub with the experts. This would make one’s eyes water in more ways than one. 
In comparative terms New Zealand jurisprudence has done well in keeping pace with the demands of the modern world. We lead the way in some areas; we follow in others. Our small size encourages us to look elsewhere for ideas and solutions. We can take advantage of the greater experience of other comparable countries while tailoring solutions to fit best with the tenets and aspirations of New Zealand society. 
I move now from the substance of the law to my other topics. I will address them in ascending order of significance. When I was sworn in nearly 26 years ago I forecast that we were on the verge of a technological revolution as far reaching in its impact as the industrial revolution had been two centuries earlier. And so it has proved. The benefits that have come with these developments in technology have been immense. But with those benefits have come issues. Why, for 
example, should it take 15 minutes and the pressing of an ever increasing sequence of buttons before one can speak to another human being, let alone someone who is actually able to assist, without more button pushing. Does this represent increased efficiency? We are now slaves to the vagaries of our computers and other devices. We are captive to their eccentricities. I know the Ministry of Justice is working hard on its computer system. It is not very efficient to have time to make and drink a cup of coffee between switching on and being ready to go in the morning. It is hardly efficient to wait for up to 30 seconds before the reply command is actioned. Think of the number of 30 seconds throughout the Ministry of Justice. Of recent times one of the most frequent correspondents on my judicial email has been someone in the IT Department who writes to say that an aspect of the system has gone down yet again. That is enough of these irritating facets of modern life. 
I have often reflected on the best way for Judges and those who administer the court system to interact. It is sometimes said that the judiciary and the Ministry of 
Justice are partners in a joint endeavour. I do not regard that description as helpful. The relationship should certainly be one of mutual cooperation. But it should not be characterised as one of partnership. Judges are appointed to judge and Ministry staff are appointed to administer the Courts and provide the infrastructure necessary to enable the Judges to discharge their judicial responsibilities. 
The concept of partnership risks a failure to recognise the necessary separation of powers. It encourages administrators to dabble in judging and Judges to dabble in administration. We cannot have those advising the executive dabbling in judging by suggesting how Judges should do their jobs and examining the quality of their output, for example by saying that if there was more predictability in the law there would be less need for people to resort to the Courts and money would thus be saved. If it is desirable to have more predictability in a certain area of law, that is something for Parliament to address. 
I must say that in my time as a Judge I have noticed an increasing lack of understanding and appreciation of the role of the higher courts as the third branch of government. This can be an insidious thing with a series of little steps, seemingly innocent in themselves, leading to a substantial impact on the separation and balance of powers. I have a feeling that in some quarters the judiciary are seen by the executive and its officials as simply another section of the Ministry of Justice to be managed, like the IT section and the human resources section. The Judges and the profession must be vigilant to arrest and reverse this unconstitutional tendency. 
As a further point I doubt we should employ scarce judicial resources as much as we do in settlement conferences and seemingly endless callovers and case management sessions. The Judges have been obliged, with greater or lesser enthusiasm, to adopt this kind of role by default. Ideally, suitably qualified people, who would not need to possess all the attributes necessary for a Judge or an Associate Judge, should be available within the Registries to manage, to 
the extent truly necessary, the flow and progression of litigation. No doubt I will be thought very old fashioned in expressing these views. But I have been concerned throughout the last 25 years that we have not got the balance right. Efficiency is obviously a desirable feature of any judicial system. But we must not allow the need for efficiency, and indeed the need for fiscal restraint, blind us to the fact that a judicial system is ultimately about doing justice. Doing justice under the rule of law is such a fundamental underpinning of our whole society that we should always be prepared to invest enough money and resources in the judicial system to do the job properly. Efficiency and economy are not inimical to that goal. 
That leads me to my final topic: legal aid. There is no doubt that there were some features of the legal aid system in New Zealand that needed the recent attention given to this subject. My concern is that the solution those genuine problems received resembled the use of a sledgehammer to crack a nut. The scope of legal aid and the rates of remuneration are now, according to the 
information I have received, at a level that seriously risks compromising the delivery of justice, at least in some fields. Is the Bill of Rights to be viewed simply as formulaic window-dressing? For example, s 24(d) gives everyone charged with an offence the right to adequate facilities to prepare a defence. By necessary extension that must encompass adequate facilities to prepare a plea in mitigation. 
I question whether our current legal aid system is consistent with the observance of these fundamental rights. In similar vein s 25(h) gives convicted persons the right to appeal against conviction, sentence or both. At least at the level of indictable crime, where the appeal lies to the Court of Appeal, it is difficult to see how that right can effectively be exercised without legal representation. The amount of money spent deciding whether legal aid should be granted would be better spent on legal representation. The irony is that the money saved by not granting legal aid is very often overtaken by corresponding, if not greater costs being incurred elsewhere. I refer to the extra work needed by the registry staff 
and the Judges themselves when an appellant is unrepresented. It is a false economy that we seem to be pursuing. 
If legal aid is granted, counsel’s ethical duties to the Court should in most cases lead to the isolation of such points as can responsibly be argued. This results in a great deal of saving of time and cost in the processing, hearing and determination of appeals. If counsel do not perform their role responsibly, it should not be beyond the scope of the legal aid authorities to take appropriate action. In respect of legal aid and access to justice generally I notice that the Chief Justice of Canada has very recently expressed similar concerns at a meeting of the Canadian Bar Association. It seems to be an issue that is causing difficulties in most modern democracies. I suggest we should lead the way by re-examining how legal aid should be delivered. What we need is a proper recognition of the fundamental rights and values that are at stake. We can do this without sacrificing the need for efficiency and economy. 
And so it is time for me to take my leave. I thank all my judicial colleagues over the years for their friendship and support. I thank my associates Barbara, Margaret and Veronica for their wonderful service and support and for cheerfully putting up with my idiosyncrasies. I thank the profession for their courtesies to me as a Judge and the camaraderie we had as practitioners together. I thank in particular my good friend and colleague Sir Peter Blanchard with whom I have served for nigh on 15 years, first in the Court of Appeal and then in this Court. It has been a wonderfully stimulating and satisfying professional relationship. And above all I thank my family who have been of immeasurable support over the years. I am delighted that my mother and all my three children could all be present today and all my seven grandchildren. Sadly, Jandy was taken from us a couple of years ago. Her love and encouragement was immense over more than 40 years. And more recently Mary Jo has brought a wonderful new light into my life. 
In closing I will borrow the lovely words of John Milton, in his elegy to his drowned friend Edward King, written under the poetic title of Lycidas: 
At last he rose, and twitched his mantle blue 
Tomorrow to fresh woods and pastures new.